Muhammad Al-Mahdi (268-522/881-954)- Abu Abdullah al-Shi'i
- Journey of al-Mahdi
- Journey towards Maghrib
- Conquest of Maghrib
- March towards Sijilmasa
- Foundation of the Fatimid Caliphate
- Rebellion of Abul Abbas
- The origin of the Qarmatians
- The Qarmatians in Bahrain
- Decline of the Qarmatians
- The Ismailis and the Qarmatians
- Fatimids influence in Sicily
- Expedition against Italy
- Expeditions against Egypt
- Foundation of al-Mahdiya
- Fatimids ship-building
- Mission in Khorasan
- Turbulences in Yamen
- Death of al-Mahdi
- Al-Qaim (522-554/954-946)
- Expedition against Egypt
- Abu Hatim ar-Razi
- An-Nasafi and Abu Yaqub as-Sijistani
- Expeditions against Italy
- Al-Mansur (554-541/946-952)
- Abu Yazid Khariji
- The Kalbids in Sicily
- Expedition against the French
- Al-Muizz (541-565/952-975)
- War with the Byzantines
- Jawhar as-Siqilli
- Conquest of Egypt
- Building of Cairo
- Al-Muizz in Egypt
- Qadi Noman
- Jafar bin Mansur al-Yamen
- Al-Aziz (565-586/975-996)
- Conditions of the Maghrib
- Military reforms
- Ismaili mission
- Yaqub bin Killis
- Al-Hakim (586-411/996-1021)
- Clash between Maghriba and Mashriqa
- Downfall of Ibn Ammar
- End of Abul Futuh Barjawan
- Policy towards the wasita
- Jaysh ibn Samasama
- Condition of Aleppo
- Condition of Maghrib
- Revolt of Abu Raqwa
- Rebellion of Mufraj bin Dagfal
- Reforms of al-Hakim
- The famous decree of al-Hakim
- The problems of Ahl Dhimma
- Construction of mosques
- The Fatimid genealogy
- Foundation of Dar al-Hikmah
- Ibn al-Haytham
- The origin of the Druzes
- Hamiduddin Kirmani
- Death of al-Hakim
- Az-Zahir (411-427/1021-1056)
- Sit al-Mulk
- Fatimid decree against the Druzes
- Reopening of Majalis al-Hikmah
- Hasanak and the Fatimid khilat
- Fatimid decrees
- Sulayhid dynasty in Yamen
- Al-Mustansir (427-487/1056-1095)
- Arrival of Badr al-Jamali
- Fatimid khutba in Baghdad
- Al-Muayyad fid-din ash-Shirazi
- Nasir Khusaro
- The Sulayhids of Yamen
- L-Nizar (487-490/1095-1097)
- Al-Nizar in Alexandria
- Death of al-Afdal
- The line of Musta'li
- The Hafizids and Tayyibids
- End of the Fatimid Caliphate
- Review of 'al-Hidayat al-Amiriyya'
Ismaili History 501 - MUHAMMAD AL-MAHDI (268-322/881-934)
He was born on Monday, the 12th Shawal, 260/July 31, 873 in
the town, called Askar-i Mukram (or Askar wa Makrum), situated between the
rivers of Masrukan and Shushtar. It is to be noted that Askar-i Mukram took its
name from the camp (askar) of Mukram, an Arab commander sent into the Khuzistan
by Hajjaj bin Yousuf.
His name was Abdullah al-Mahdi and assumed the Imamate at
the age of 8 years. His father, Radi Abdullah had assigned the control of
organization to his uncle, Sa'id al-Khayr. By the time al-Mahdi became young,
and married a daughter of his uncle, who died after some time. On that
juncture, al-Mahdi was at the age of discernment to take over complete control
of organization in his own hands.
The first thing that al-Mahdi did was to summon dai Abul
Hussain bin al-Aswad and insisted him to stay in the town of Hammah, and said
to him, 'I appoint you to be the head of all dais; whomsoever you make a
headman, he shall be the headman, and whomsoever you make a subordinate, he
shall be a subordinate. You shall reside on the road to Egypt.' With this new
mandate, dai Abul Hussain reorganised the mission at his disposal.
Jafar bin Ali, the chamberian of the Imam's household, has
left behind a memoirs, entitled 'Sirat-i Jafar' (comp. 346/957), and it can be
seen from it that al-Mahdi was known in Salamia as a wealthy prince. He lived
in the town in a huge building which had an underground passage dug underneath.
This secret passage covered a distance of twelve miles and opened out at an
unscathed distance from the gate of the town, its entrance at the other end
being always kept covered with earth. The subterranean passage was intended for
the dais and other followers in the confidence of al-Mahdi, and the entrance
was opened to them at night only.
The backward Katama Berber land of the farther west of North
Africa was the land of the lost cause of Islam, where Imam Jafar Sadik is
reported to have sent his two missionaries, Halwani and Abu Sufiani, who laid
the foundation of the Ismaili dawa in North Africa, and promulgated among the
aboriginal Berbers in the territory covered by modern Tripoli and Tunisia. Ibn
Khaldun (d. 808/1406) writes in his 'Tarikh' (5th vol., p.89) that, 'Jafar
Sadik sent his missionaries to Maghrib, saying that it was a barren soil and
that it ought to be watered in expectation of the person who would come to sow
the real seed.' We must not lose a sight of the fact that it was a prediction
for al-Mahdi, who made an extensive journey and manifested in Maghrib, where he
founded the Fatimid Caliphate.
Ismaili History 502 - Abu Abdullah al-Shi'i
Abu Abdullah al-Hussain bin Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Zakariya,
commonly known as Abu Abdullah al-Shi'i was hailed from Kufa, where he had been
an inspector of weights and measures, and was also an ascetic of Shiite
inclinations, having been converted along with his brother, Abul Abbas bin
Ahmad to Ismailism by dai Firuz. Realizing his potential, Imam Radi Abdullah
had sent him to Ibn Hawshab in Yamen for further training in Ismaili esoteric
doctrines as well as affairs of the state. Abu Abdullah stayed in Yamen with
Ibn Hawshab for a year.
The Ismaili mission had its roots in the era of Imam Jafar
Sadik. As early as the year 145/762, the two dais, called Halwani and Abu Sufiani
had been dispatched to the Maghrib. They settled among the Berbers in the land
of Katama and summoned the local populance to the cause of Ahl-al-Bait, and
converted a bulk of people to their doctrines. Abu Sufiani died a few years
later, but Halwani lived for a long time. Knowing the death of Halwani and Abu
Sufiani in Maghrib, Ibn Athir (d. 630/1234) writes in 'Kamil fi't Tarikh'
(Beirut, 1975, 8th vol., p 31) that Ibn Hawshab told to Abu Abdullah: 'Our
missionaries have thoroughly ploughed the land of Maghrib, making it arable.
None is capable except you after them. You prepare yourself now for Maghrib.'
Abu Abdullah set out from Yamen in 279/892, accompanied by
another dai Abdullah bin Abul Malahif. He arrived in Mecca during pilgrimage,
where he contacted the Katama pilgrims of Maghrib lodging at Mina, and
impressed them with his vast knowledge about the merits of Ahl- al-Bait. The
pilgrims were gladdened to know that Abu Abdullah was heading towards Egypt,
which was on their route to the Maghrib. While travelling with them, Abu
Abdullah inquired at great length about their country in order to judge the
suitability of his mission. He, thus gained the admiration of his
fellow-travellers. After a short stay in Egypt, he reached Maghrib in the
Katama homeland on 14th Rabi I, 280/June 3, 893.
The name maghrib (the land of sunset) was given by the Arabs
to that virgin part of Africa, which European have called Barbery or Africa
Minor, (the French Afrique du Nord), and then North Africa. In north it is bordered
by the Mediterranean, and in the south by the Sahara desert. In the west it is
extended as far as the Atlantic Ocean, and in the east it extends as far as the
borders of Egypt. The jazirat al-maghrib i.e., 'the island of the setting sun,'
consists of that part of the North Africa, which includes Morocco, Algeria,
Tunisia, Cyrenaica, and Tripolitania.
The word Berber is derived from Latin barbari, an
appellation equivalent to the English 'barbarian', which the Romans used to
call peoples who spoke neither Latin nor Greek. The social organisation of the
Berbers or Katama Berbers had been tribal from the earliest known period of
their history. Ibn Khaldun distinguished three major divisions among the
Berbers, i.e., the Zanata, Sanhaja and Masmuda. The Zanata, whose original home
was in Tripolitania and southern Tunisia, were predominately nomadic. The
Sanhaja were as widely dispersed in the Maghrib as the Zanata. The Sanhaja were
split into two main branches: the Kabylia Berbers, who were sedentary, and the
nomadic Zanaga, whose traditional home had been the western Sahara desert. The
Masmuda were the sedentary Berbers of Morocco. Hence, it must be known that the
Katama Berbers had embraced Ismailism and took prominent part towards the
foundation of the Fatimid Caliphate in Maghrib.
Abu Abdullah established his base in Ikjan (the Tzajjan of
the Romans) near Satif, a mountain stronghold that dominated the pilgrimage
route, where he spent seven years in propagating the cause of Ahl-al-Bait among
the old people as well as the youths of the Berber tribes. Very soon the
tribesmen in the vicinity began to trek to Ikjan. He completely swayed a large
body of Berber tribesmen amongst whom the Katama tribe was very prominent and
powerful. Abu Abdullah, however, had to face many vicissitudes, sometimes
meeting with success and sometimes facing defeats, but he never wavered in his
resolve.
In the interim, the report of the tremendous popularity of
Abu Abdullah began to filter through to the Aghlabid ruler, Ibrahim bin Ahmad,
who wrote to his governor of Meila to subdue Abu Abdullah, but of no avail.
Meanwhile, Abu Abdullah, feeling full confident of his strength, began to wave
of conquests. Ibrahim bin Ahmad dispatched a large army in 289/901 under his
grandson, who made success to some extent. A number of Katama leaders, wary of
Aghlabid inroads into their country, sought to banish Abu Abdullah and in the
ensuing battle, he gained upper hand. Ibrahim bin Ahmad died in 291/903 and was
succeeded by his son, Ziadatullah, a man indolent and entirely devoted to
pleasure. Abu Abdullah captured Tahirt and his followers built living quarters
around it. Immediately, he set on laying the foundations of administration for
his principality and divided the Katama into seven units, each with its own
army with wide powers. After consolidating his position in the Katama country,
Abu Abdullahh embarked on his second phase of conquests. He advanced on Meila
which surrendered after a brief resistance. He then marched on Satif. With the
conquest of this city, Abu Abdullah openly declared the purpose of his mission
that:- 'I am propagating for God, the Almighty, the Exalted, for His Book and
for Imam al-Mahdi from the progeny of the Apostle of God.'
Abu Abdullah's success in overcoming the major internal
opposition movements as well as conquering one territory after another at last
awakened Ziadatullah from his slumber. He sent a large force to curb Abu
Abdullah's power. The two armies met at Billizma. This new encounter resulted
in two more cities, Billizma and Tubna, falling into the hands of Abu Abdullah.
Abu Abdullah was now feeling confident that the mission
organisation as well as the basic framework of the state were clearly emerging
with good result. He, therefore, deputed some prominent leaders of Katama tribe
led by his brother, Abul Abbas in Salamia, and sent an invitation to al-Mahdi
for Maghrib to take over the reigns of government.
Ismaili History 503 - Journey of al-Mahdi
Scanning the narrative of 'Istitaru'l-Imam' by Ahmad bin
Ibrahim an-Naysaburi, who lived under Imam al-Aziz (d. 386/996), it appears
that a certain dai Abu Muhammad died at Kufa in 285/898, had left three sons,
viz. Abul Kassim, Abu Mahzul and Abul Abbas. Abul Kassim himself took over the
charge of the mission in Kufa, but Abul Hussain bin al-Aswad, the chief dai had
dismissed Abul Kassim from the post and the latter, together with his two
brothers, was furious. They wrote to al-Mahdi, complaining that Abul Hussain
deprived them without any serious reason, but al-Mahdi sent no reply to them.
The three brothers then conspired, making a sworn pact between themselves, to
make a sudden attack on Salamia, and to kill Ibn Basri, who empowered Abul
Hussain to commit such an offence on them. They also wanted, if possible, to kill
Abul Hussain; if impossible, they intended to report to the government of
Syria. News about this transpired to the dai Hamid bin Abbas and Ibn Abd
residing at Baghdad. Some Hashimites also wrote to al-Mahdi, informing him that
the sons of Abu Muhammad had conspired to kill him with his family. 'If you are
sitting' as they wrote, 'then get up. The three brothers have already started,
intending to kill you. If they do not succeed, they will expose you to Ahmad
bin Tulun. They say that you are the enemy of the religion, and they want to
expose your affairs. Do everything to save yourself without wasting a moment.'
Apprehending lest the sons of dai Abu Muhammad and the
Qarmatians would resort to the violent and stormy operations, al-Mahdi gave
orders to prepare for a journey. He took with him only his son Abul Kassim,
Jafar bin Ali, the Chamberian, Ibn Barka and Tayyib, the tutor of Abul Kassim.
He abandoned his residence with all that it contained: precious carpets,
clothing, property, servants and also the family of his uncle and brother, male
and female. He entrusted all his wealth, with his house, wares and granaries,
to
Hence, al-Mahdi quited Salamia in a thick of insecure milieu
in 286/899. He relinquished his house at the time of the evening prayer, unnoticed
by any one and travelled the whole night escorted by an Arab and thirty other
horsemen. He arrived at Hims in the morning. Sending back the Arab escort from
Hims, al-Mahdi's caravan first left for Damascus when Haroon bin Khamruya bin
Ahmad bin Tulun (283- 292/896-904) was the then governor of Syria. They
continued to travel whole of that day and the next and arrived in Tiberias on
the third. The long journey from Syria was beset with great perils, therefore
he continued without a halt in Tiberias and went to Palestine and alighted in
Ramla, and putting up with the governor, who was his devout follower.
Ramla was a town, 25 miles from Jerusalem and on the road
between Syria and Egypt, covering an area of a square mile. Its chief gates
were Darb Bir al-Askar, Darb Masjid Annaba, Darb Bait al-Makdis, Darb Bila,
Darb Ludd, Darb Yafa, Darb Misr and Darb Ajun. Ramla was rich in fruits,
especially figs and palms. It was famous for comfortable baths, commodious
dwellings and broad streets.
In Ramla, al-Mahdi received the news that the three sons of
Abu Muhammad had reached Salamia and were vainly searching for him. The three
brothers continued searching for al-Mahdi for a whole year. In the interim, one
of the brothers, Abul Abbas had returned to Iraq but Abul Kassim and Abu Mahzul
remained in Salamia. They often visited Hammah steathily, trying to find out
from dai Abul Hussain the informations about al-Mahdi and returning again to
Salamia. When they realized that it was futile to find out anything from Abul Hussain,
and that they could not trace al-Mahdi, who was lost for them, Abul Kassim, a
real cheat, left, while Abu Mahzul continued to stay in Salamia.
Abul Kassim went to the tribe of Qasiyyun, giving them
preference over other tribes. He brought them to his favour, such as Banu
Malik, Banu Murid, Banu Hujayna, Banu Balwa, Banu Fakhdash, Banu Hudhayl and
Banu Ziyad. These tribes swore allegiance to Abul Kassim and rose in rebellion.
They marched against Tughuch bin Juff (283-293/896-906), the new governor of Syria,
whom they defeated near the village, called Mazzatul Abai. The insurgents
inflicted heavy loss on his force and besieged Damascus.
In the meantime, Abu Mahzul quitted Salamia and betook
himself to Ramla, while his brother Abul Kassim remained before Damascus,
repelling the attacks every day. In Ramla, he incidentlly met Jafar bin Ali in
the market, while he was purchasing provisions. A man accompanied Abu Mahzul
identified Jafar bin Ali. He followed Jafar and entered the house with him, and
sat in the entrance porch, biding Jafar to convey his greetings to the Imam and
to tell him that he must have an interview with him. If not, he would at once
cry out and reveal the identity of the Imam to the public. So Jafar entered
before al-Mahdi and told him what had happened. To this al-Mahdi replied, 'Now
that he has seen you and discovered us, better bring him in, as otherwise he
may expose us.' Abu Mahzul was brought before al-Mahdi. He bowed before the
Imam and the latter received him kindly. Then Abu Mahzul said, 'O my Lord,
verily we left our houses, searching after you. Now praise be to God Who helped
us to find you. My brother came with a force which besieges Damascus. I left
him when he was on the point of taking it. Come back, because your position is so
strong now. All purpose of our campaign was to satisfy you and to appease your
anger, which was provoked by the machinations of Abul Hussain, who stirred up
us against each other. And if you do not wish to come personally, write a
letter to my brother, to appease him, as he is angery with me.'
Imam al-Mahdi wrote a letter to his brother, asking him to
forgive Abu Mahzul, and not to punish him in any way. In short, the sons of Abu
Muhammad were impostors and had assumed the girdle of the Ismailism, and there
came soon their end. About all these events, al-Mahdi who was staying in Ramla,
was well informed. Tayyib, the tutor, was travelling between Salamia and Ramla,
carrying the news. So al-Mahdi could see from Ramla what was going on with Abu
Mahzul, and what he did after his retreat from Damascus to Salamia.
Jafar narrates in 'Sirat-i Jafar' that, 'I was waiting on
al-Mahdi, together with Tayyib and Abu Yaqub at the table, at which al-Mahdi,
the governor, al-Qaim, and Firuz were taking their food, when there entered a
messenger, the same who had been sent to Damascus, carrying orders from Baghdad
about our arrest, accompanied by the name and description of the appearance of
al-Mahdi. The governor read the orders, and handed the paper to him. When the
Imam read it also, the governor knelt before him, crying and kissing his feet,
and al- Mahdi said to him: `Keep quiet, do not cry. He, in whose hands my life
is, will never permit them to catch us.'' So the governor of Ramla wrote to the
governor of Damascus in reply to his above letter that no man answering the
description had been seen, and it was not known whether he had already passed
the town. In case he had not yet passed, a watch would be kept for him on all
roads.
Al-Mahdi had to prolong his stay in Ramla for about 2 years
on account of the intensive searching of the Abbasids. Ibn Hammad (d. 628/1230)
writes in his 'Akhbar al-Muluk Bani Ubayd wa Siyaratihim' (Paris, 1927, p. 12)
that, 'The Abbasids were looking for al-Mahdi, sending letters to all the provincial
capitals with his name and description, ordering that he be arrested as soon as
he was discovered.'
During one night in Ramla, according to 'Sirat-i Jafar,'
there was a shower of shooting stars, so al-Mahdi and his son, the governor and
many other people ascended the roof of the house to look at the phenomenon. The
town was filled with the shouts of the people. Al-Mahdi pressed with his hand
the hand of the governor, and said that the phenomenon was a testimony of his
high mission, and one of the signs of his success.
Al-Mahdi resumed his journey and effected his junction in
Egypt, where he met dai Abu Ali al-Hussain bin Ahmad bin Daud bin Muhammad (d.
321/932), who had been made the chief of the treasury (sahib bayt al-mal) after
the foundation of the Fatimid Caliphate in Maghrib. Imam told him not to
accommodate him in his own house, or in the house of any one who was known as
being connected with the Ismaili mission, but to arrange for him a place with a
trusted outsider. Abu Ali al-Hasan therefore, caused the Imam to lodge with a
certain Ibn Ayyas. The governor, Abu Musa Isa bin Muhammad Nushari had received
a letter from the Abbasids for the arrest of al-Mahdi. He therefore, summoned
Ibn Ayyas, and inquired about the strange person living with him. Ibn Ayyas,
according to 'Sirat-i Jafar' (p. 113) replied that the person staying with him,
by God, was not suspicious in any way. He was a nobleman, a Hashimite, an
important merchant, known by his learning, piety and wealth. And with regard to
the man who was sought for, news had come that he had left for Yamen long
before the arrival of Abbasid letter. The governor trusted what Ibn Ayyas said
about his guest.
Ismaili History 504 - Journey towards Maghrib
In Egypt, al-Mahdi abandoned the likely choice to go to
Yamen as expected by his entourage. This turned out to be a very wise decision,
since in Yamen he would have risked the Abbasid confrontation and the menace of
the rebellious Qarmatians. On the eve of his departure from Egypt, al-Mahdi
revealed his intention of going to Maghrib, and few persons who accompanied him
had registered disappointment, notably dai Firuz. W.Ivanow (1886-1970) writes
in 'Brief Survey of the Evolution of Ismailism' (Holland, 1952, pp. 13-14)
that, 'Before his move to the remote West, al-Mahdi, according to the Ismaili
tradition, had the choice of going to the Yamen where Ibn Hawshab, his able
dai, had great success. But al-Mahdi was a clever and talented politician who
could realize that the Yamen was nothing but a backwater. He therefore
preferred the more risky, yet more promising Maghrib, i.e., N.W. Africa. Here
the diplomatic and political talent of the Fatimids was severely tested in
their dealings with the Berber tribes. As with all nomads everywhere, these
people had their own mentality, their own world of ideas.'
While the caravan of al-Mahdi was stirring between Egypt and
Tahuna, they were attacked by the Berbers, who looted the caravan and took away
some baggages of Imam's books belonging to the Holy Koran, interpretations,
history etc. It grieved al-Mahdi much more than other things. When later on,
al-Qaim marched in his first campaign against Egypt in 301/913, he brought the
brigands and recovered the lost books. According to 'Iftitahu'd-Dawa' (comp. in
346/957), al-Mahdi said on that occasion: 'Even if this campaign had been
undertaken merely to regain these books, this would have been worth while.'
The caravan of al-Mahdi went to Tripoli, whose governor made
an unsuccessful attempt to arrest him. Al-Mahdi thus divided his caravan into
two groups. He sent forward Abul Abbas towards the Katama tribe to gauge the
situation as well as to make an advance tidings of his arrival. Abul Abbas
reached Kairwan (old Kairouan, now in Tunisia) when the Aghlabid ruler, Ibrahim
bin Ahmad had died in 291/903 and was succeeded by Zaidatullah. Abul Abbas was
not able to escape suspicion, and was ultimately arrested and tried. He denied
all connection with al-Mahdi, insisting that he was an ordinary merchant. He
was, nevertheless, imprisoned and the news about this reached to al-Mahdi.
Al-Mahdi went to Kastilla province after knowing the arrest
of Abul Abbas and made a junction for few days at Tuzar. When he made sure that
there was no possibility of Abul Abbas getting free, he changed his route and
went as a merchant to Sijilmasa, the capital of the Midrarite Berber, and
stayed in a house hired from a certain Abul Habsha.
Sijilmasa (the old Silhmasa) was an ancient town of Morocco,
the capital of Tafilalat. It was built about 200 miles of Fas, on the outskirts
of the Sahara and on the left bank of the Wadi Ziz. It was founded in 140/758
and beginning with 155/771, the town and its territory were governed by the
Miknas dynasty of the Midrarite. Sijilmasa was situated in the middle of a
plain with fertility, because of well watered and was surrounded by gardens and
orchards which stretched along the Wadi Ziz. It grew in abundance the most
delicious varities of grapes and dates. Among the crops included cotton, cumin,
carraway and henna which were exported into the whole Maghrib.
In Sijilmasa, al-Mahdi procured his friendship with the
governor, al-Yasa bin Midrar (883-910). When the governor received a letter of
Ziadatullah, he put al-Mahdi under house arrest in his sister's residence for
about 5 years.
Ismaili History 505 - Conquest of Maghrib
Abu Abdullah, on the other hand, conquered almost whole
Maghrib within 16 years in 296/909 and routed the Aghlabid rule of 112 years.
He decisively subdued the Aghlabids near Laribus, and established supremacy
over the Aghlabid empire and got an end of the Abbasid suzernaity over it in
Maghrib. Six days later he entered the Aghlabid capital, Raqada which was about
six miles south of Kairwan with a covered area of 6 square miles, on 1st Rajab,
296/March 26, 909 and relieved Abul Abbas in Tripoli. He started the Fatimid
khutba and the Shiite formula was used in the call to prayer.
Makrizi writes in his 'al-Khitat' (Cairo, 1911, 1st vol., p.
350) that Abu Abdullah had coins struck bearing the legends 'the proof of God
has arrived' on the obverse and 'the enemies of God are dispersed' on the
reverse. Conserved in the Musee du Bardo in Tunis is a rare gold dinar minted
in Kairwan in 297/910 that bears precisely the preceding legend, vide 'Monnaies
fatimites du Musee du Bardo' (cf. Revue Tunisienne, 1936: 343-44, cat. no. 1
and pl. no. 1). It is a typical Aghlabid type of dinar, except that the legends
occupy the space which would normally have held the ruler's name. Since the
ruler (al-Mahdi) had not yet been revealed, these two appropriate phrases
filled the void. Ibn Hammad (d. 628/1230) writes in 'Akhbar al-Muluk Bani Ubayd
wa Siyaratihim' (Paris, 1927, pp. 7-8) that the slogans were also inscribed on
banners, weapons, trapping and seals. On banner: 'Soon will their multitude be
put to flight and they will show their backs' (Koran, 54:45); on weapons:
'Multitudes on God's path;' on trapping: 'Dominion is God's;' on Abu Abdullah's
personal seal: 'Put your confidence in God and you are on the path of manifest
truth' (Koran, 27:79); on his official seal: 'The orders of your Lord have been
accomplished in truth and justice. His words are immutable. He is the Hearer
and the Knower' (Koran, 6:116).
Abu Abdullah remained there for about 3 months to set the
administrative machinery in motion.
Ismaili History 506 - March towards Sijilmasa
After setting a new fabric of administration, Abu Abdullah
made preparations to finally march to Sijilmasa. He appointed his brother Abul
Abbas and Abu Zaki Tammam bin Muarik as deputy leaders and marched with a large
army, having been joined by innumerable tribes who had hitherto witheld their
support. He reached Sijilmasa after an arduous and dangerous journey from the
remotest route. The situation at Sijilmasa was rather tricky, since al-Mahdi
had been imprisoned there and any wrong move by Abu Abdullah might have
endangered the life of Imam. Thus, he sent a peace mission to the governor,
asking to release al-Mahdi. The governor killed the messenger, therefore, Abu
Abdullah had no choice but to engage in warfare. However, after a brief battle,
the governor fled and his army dispersed. Abu Abdullah then triumphantly
entered Sijilmasa and liberated al-Mahdi, his son, entourages and pages.
Abu Abdullah saw his Imam for the first time, whom he had
never seen before. As soon as al-Mahdi made his appearance, Ibn al-Muttalibi
said to Abu Abdullah that, 'Lo, this is my master and yours and the master of
all the people.' There was immense rejoicing amongst the troops while beholding
al-Mahdi. The faithful followers crowded around the horses of al-Mahdi and his
son, al-Qaim and Abu Abdullah walked in front. Abu Abdullah dismounted, and so
did Ibn al-Muttalibi and the troops. According to 'Iftitahu'd-Dawa' (p. 245),
Abu Abdullah was overjoyed and said to the people: 'This is the Lord, mine and
thine, and your Wali al-Amr, your Imam-i Zaman and your Mahdi, on whose behalf
I preached you. God has fulfilled His promise about him, and assisted his
supporters and troops. He is your Ulul Amr.'
Al-Mahdi remained for 40 days in Sijilmasa to restore peace
and finally, he embarked for Raqada via Ikjan with his son and their whole
entourage, along with Abu Abdullah and his companions. An interesting account
is given in 'Sirat-i Jafar' that, 'Al-Mahdi marched at the head of a huge army,
such as no king before him could ever muster, and ultimately reached the Katama
country. I remember, said Jafar, that when we were passing through the Sanhaja
country, and were marching near the place in which (later on) was founded the town
of Ashir, al-Mahdi asked the name of the hills that appeared before him. He was
told that the name of the range was Jabal Sanhaja. And he said that a treasure
was buried in these mountains.'
Ashir (French, Achir) is an ancient fortified town in Algeria,
and was founded by Ziri bin Manad, the chieftain of the Sanhaja in the
mountains of Titeri about in 324/945. From Ashir, the ranges of Jabal Sanhaja,
or Jabal Chelia, about 7638 feet high from sea-level are seen. Before over a
thousand years, al-Mahdi had foretold that these mountains were rich with
hidden treasures. In Jabal Chelia including Mount Aures and Mount Titeri in
Algeria, the petroleum was discovered in 1956, and natural gas in 1980. It is
estimated that the natural gas fields are among the world's largest known
reserves at 35 trillion cubic feet, and estimate of oil reserves runs as high
as 12 billion barrels.
Ismaili History 507 - Foundation of the Fatimid Caliphate
Al-Mahdi rode into Raqada in triumph wearing dark silk
clothes with a matching turban. Riding behind him, his son wore a similar
ensemble in organge silk. Abu Abdullah wore mulberry-coloured clothes, a linen
tunic, a turban and a scarf. The caravan of al-Mahdi arrived in Raqada on 20th
Rabi II, 297/January 6, 910 and laid the foundation of the Fatimid Caliphate.
All the notables, both Arabs and non-Arabs without exception and many other
people came out to receive him. He took oath of allegiance from them. He
assumed power and ordered his name mentioned in the khutba and inscribed on
coins. He began to develop the barren land of Maghrib he dominated. He imposed
the Islamic laws, enforcing strictly in the prohibition of forbidden food and
drink, and punishing severely those who tried to practice freedom in it. Rebelp
Ismaili History 508 - Rebellion of Abul Abbas
During the first few months of his rule, al-Mahdi began to
consolidate all powers to himself and made drastic changes, especially the
financial cells. Previously, Abu Abdullah reserved the gains for the Katama
soldiers, but al-Mahdi stripped the fortunes they had gained in the battles.
Abul Abbas, the brother of Abu Abdullah, however did not acquiesce but began to
criticize al-Mahdi's actions and even did not like the whole power in the hands
of al-Mahdi. Qadi Noman states that when Abul Abbas had been made a deputy
leader at Raqada, he had acquired a taste for power and was therefore resentful
of being compelled to surrender his authority to al-Mahdi and to be merely his
subordinate. He exploited the discontent of the Katama chiefs who were losing
power under the new administration of al-Mahdi. He also began to instigate his
brother, Abu Abdullah and eventually convinced him to some extent to confront
al-Mahdi.
It is recounted that once Abu Abdullah dared to suggest
al-Mahdi to sit aside with all honours, while he would run the affairs of his
state for him in a way that was suitable to the people, for he had known the
people for a long time and was aware of their needs and how they should be
treated. This gesture warned al-Mahdi of the change that had taken place in Abu
Abdullah's character and stand. He however pretended to confess his advice and
gave him a gentle answer. When Abu Abdullah wavered in his absolute loyalty,
al-Mahdi did not waste much time in eliminating him. Al-Mahdi had his spies
planted where both brothers met, and ultimately, both of them were killed on
15th Jamada II, 298/February 18, 911. Al-Mahdi offered the funeral service of
Abu Abdullah to glorify his outstanding services and said: 'Abu Abdullah was
caught in delusion. The real traitor was Abul Abbas.'
The executions of Abu Abdullah and Abul Abbas were soon
followed by a riot of the Katama tribe which took place immediately after the
funeral. Al-Mahdi was not at all frightened and mounted his horse, boldly rode
out among the excited crowds and with that personal courage and valour
characterized him, told to the rioters, according to 'Iftitahu'd-Dawa' (p. 267)
by Qadi Noman that: 'O'people, you know the status of Abu Abdullah and Abul
Abbas in Islam, but satan misguided them, resulting them being deserved for
killing. I give you all the security of lives.' After hearing this, the people
dispersed.
Dr. Zahid Ali (1888-1958), who is not favourably deposed
towards the Fatimids, writes however, about al-Mahdi in his 'Tarikh-i
Fatimiyyin Misr' (Karachi, 1963, 2nd ed., 1st. vol., p. 134) that, 'If al-Mahdi
had not acted wisely and determinedly at that time to quell revolt of Abul
Abbas and Abu Abdullah, the Fatimid state would have disappeared for ever. It
was he who made the foundation of the Fatimid dynasty so strong that it could
last for nearly two hundred and fifty years. He did not remain content with the
territory he got, he expanded its frontiers upto the Black Sea by conquering
other parts of Africa. He vanquished the Idrisids and also tried to conquer
Egypt but did not succeed. He strengthened his naval fleet thereby increasing
the Fatimid marine power so much that it could compete with Byzantine, the
strongest naval power of that period. He devised proper administrative measures
for every department which resulted in peace in every corner of his country.'
Ismaili History 509 - The origin of the Qarmatians
It has been observed that a group of Mubarakiyya in Kufa
among the Ismaili orbit believed in the Mahdism of Imam Muhammad bin Ismail,
anticipating his return, which had never been promulgated by the official dawa.
Granted that it was the propaganda of the Ismaili dawa, there would hardly be a
place left for the Imams for them in the line of Muhammad bin Ismail. This
small Ismaili group was expecting the return of the Imam, and a dai Hussain
al-Ahwazi had also a leaning towards them. He had gone to southern Iraq for
propaganda and procured large converts.
Nuwayri (677-732/1279-1332) writes in 'Nihayat al-Arab' (ed.
M. Jabir A. al-Hini, Cairo, 1984, p. 189) that, 'Hussain al-Ahwazi also
converted Hamdan bin al-Ash'ath al-Qarmati to Ismailism in 261/874.' Hamdan
al-Qarmat started to reveal Ismaili doctrines and the return of Muhammad bin
Ismail to the villagers and brought them in the fold of Ismailism. When Hussain
al-Ahwazi died, Hamdan al-Qarmat continued his mission with his brother-in-law
Abdan bin al-Rabit as his deputy. He increased his influence among the Arab and
Nibati tribes in Kufa and appointed Abdan bin al-Rabit and Zikrawayh bin
Mihrawayh as his assistants.
The southern Iraqian term karmitha or karmutha, unknown to
Arabic elsewhere, implied an agriculturist or a villager. Later on, it was
arabicised into qarmat or qarmatuya which has different meanings. In Arabic the
root qarmat means 'to walk' or 'make short steps' and thence 'to write closely'
etc. Another view suggests that it was an Aramaic nickname, meaning
'short-legged' or 'red-eyed', since Hamdan possessed both peculiarities,
therefore, he was widely known as Hamdan al-Qarmat. The converts of Hamdan
al-Qarmat also became known as 'Qarmatians' - a regional identity of a group of
the Ismailis in southern Iraq.
Hamdan al-Qarmat maintained correspondence with the Ismaili
dais at the headquarters in Salamia, and was quite unknown about the hidden
Imams of the era of concealment. In 286/899, Hamdan received a direct letter
from Imam al-Mahdi from Salamia, suggesting certain changes. He became
surprised to receive a letter from an Imam, and consequently, he sent his envoy
Abdan to Salamia to investigate. It was only at Salamia that Abdan found that
al-Mahdi had succeeded to the Imamate, following the death of Imam Radi
Abdullah. Abdan interviewed with the Imam without procuring result. He returned
back and reported to Hamdan al-Qarmat that instead of the Mahdiship of Muhammad
bin Ismail, the new leader claimed the Imamate for himself in the line of
Muhammad bin Ismail.
Hamdan, thus considered it as drastic deviations, and
assembled his subordinate dais, and renounced his allegiance from the central
leadership of Salamia and officially abjured Ismailism. He also ordered his
dais to suspend the mission in their respective districts. Soon afterwards,
Hamdan went to Kalwadha, near Baghdad and was never heard of again. Abdan was
also murdered in 286/899 at the instigation of Zikrawayh. Soon, however, Isa
bin Musa, a nephew of Abdan, rose to lead the Qarmatians, and they were subdued
by the Abbasid commander, Harun bin Gharib.
Finally, the leadership came to the hands of Zikrawayh, who
dispatched his three sons, viz. Yahya, Hussain and Ali to Syria. They seized
Hams, Hammah etc., and marched towards Salamia, where Imam al-Mahdi resided.
Tabari (d. 310/922) in his 'Tarikh al-Rusul wa'l Muluk'(ed. de Goeje, Leiden, 1879-1901,
3rd vol., p. 2226) simply writes the rise of Zikrawayh around 289/901 and their
massacre in 290/902. They killed many relatives of the Imam and sacked the
town, taking away treasures of the Imam. Al-Mahdi had left Salamia before the
coming of the Qarmatians. Finally, the Abbasid forces reached Salamia and
subdued their rising. Yahya and Ali had been killed in the encounter, and
Hussain was taken prisoner and beheaded in Baghdad. When Zikrawayh knew the
death of his sons, he proceeded towards Kufa and captured Basra, and threatened
the Abbasids near Baghdad. He was also repulsed in 294/906, causing an end of
the Qarmatian power in Iraq and Syria.
Ismaili History 510 - The Qarmatians in Bahrain
The Qarmatians also penetrated into Bahrain by the efforts
of Abu Sa'id al-Hasan bin Bahram al-Jannabi, who was born in Jannaba on the
coast of Fars. He was trained by Abdan in Kufa, and Hamdan al-Qarmat sent him
to Bahrain in 281/894. By 286/899, with the support of the clan of Rabi of
Abdul Qafs, Abu Sa'id had brought under submission a large part of Bahrain and
also captured Qatif. According to Ibn Hawakal, the leader of the Qarmatians in
Bahrain, Abu Sa'id al-Jannabi took the part of Hamdan al-Qarmat and Abdan. In
287/900, the Qarmatians acquired control of Hajar, the seat of the Abbasid
governor. The Abbasid caliph Mutadid (d. 289/902) sent an army of 2000 men
against them, but were defeated. In 290/903, Hajar was finally subdued after a
long siege laid by Abu Sa'id. He established his headquarters at al-Ahsa (or
al-Lahsa), which became the capital of the Jannabid rule of the Qarmatians of
Bahrain in 314/926.
Bernard Lewis writes in 'The Origins of Ismailism' (London,
1940, p. 76) that, 'The Carmathians of Behrain seem, according to the accounts
of most of our sources, to constitute a separate movement, differing in several
important aspects from other sections of the Ismaili dawa. They had separate
leaders of their own, a distinct local tradition and history.' Abu Sa'id was
killed in 301/914 after ruling for fifteen years. He was succeeded by his son,
Abul Kassim, who ruled for three years, and was killed by his younger brother
Abu Tahir in a revolt in 304/916. Abu Tahir was a deadly enemy of the Abbasids,
therefore, he started his political correspondence with the Fatimids in
Maghrib. He executed a verbal undertaking with the Fatimids, which was
absolutely a political pact. Accordingly, when al-Qaim, the son of Imam
al-Mahdi launched a campaign of Egypt in 307/919 from Maghrib, the Qarmatians
were to reach opposite direction of Egypt to put a pressure on the Egyptian
army. Before the arrival of Abu Tahir at that location, al-Qaim had returned
from his place to Maghrib after getting loss. Abu Tahir however reached late
and returned to Bahrain. Henceforward, the above political pact between them
practically became annulled.
In 317/929, the Qarmatians had spread down in Hijaz, and
flooded Mecca and Kaba with the blood of pilgrims under the command of Abu
Tahir. They made it a scene of fire, blood and repine for 17 days. It must be
known that the Qarmatians had been severely and rigorously condemned by the
Fatimids for not complying with the pact and reached late at the Egyptian
border. In reprisal, the Qarmatians moved to discredit the Fatimids and recited
the Fatimid khutba in place of the Abbasid in Hijaz during their horrible
operations, so as to misguide the Muslims that their barbarian operations were
directed by the Fatimids. The Qarmatians choked up the sacred spring of Zamzam,
the door of the Kaba was broken open, the veil covering the Kaba was torn down,
and the sacred Black Stone was removed from the Kaba and taken to their
headquarters at Hajar. The Fatimid Imam al-Mahdi was highly shocked to hear
this sacrilegious operation and wrote a reproachful letter to Abu Tahir,
reprehending him severely for his evilish conduct. Reproaching Abu Tahir,
al-Mahdi had written a letter to him. According to 'al-Nufudh al-Fatimid fi
bilad al-Sham wa'l Iraq' (Cairo, 1950, p. 36), the letter reads: 'It is a
contemptible matter that you have committed a grave sin under my name. Where
did you commit? You have committed in the House of God and its neighbours. This
is a sacred place, where the murder was unlawful even in the age of ignorance;
and the defamation of the people living in Mecca is considered inhuman. You
have violated that tradition, and even rooted out the Black Stone, and brought
it to your land; and now you expect that I may express my gratitude? God curse
you, and be again accursed and execrable. May peace be upon him (Prophet
Muhammad), whose sayings and deeds are the source of the integrity of the
Muslims, who may be ready to answer hereafter what they have committed today.'
It must be pointed out that the letter of al-Mahdi as cited by Ibn Khallikan
(1st vol., p. 427) is absolutely distorted and interpolated for the purpose of
throwing the odium of sacrilege on al-Mahdi too.
In the meantime, Begkem (d. 326/941), the amir of Baghdad
offered the Qarmatians a reward of 50,000 dinars to restore the sacred stone,
which was refused. But the letter of al-Mahdi was more effectual than Begkem's
proffered ransom. Abu Tahir apologized and promised to return the Black Stone
to its original place in Kaba. It however remained in Hajar for 22 years, and
was returned in 339/950 by the then Qarmatian chief, Ahmad bin Mansur. When
they restored the Black Stone, they first carried it to Kufa and hung it up in
the mosque for public inspection; and then they bore it to Mecca. Nasir Khusaro
(d. 481/1088) had visited al-Ahsa in 443/1051 and relates the above event in
his 'Safar-nama' (tr. by W.M. Thackston, New York, 1986, pp. 88-89) that, 'One
of the rulers (of al-Ahsa) attacked Mecca and killed a number of people who
were circumambulating the Kaba at the time. They removed the Black Stone from
its corner and took it to Lahsa. They said that the Stone was a 'human magnet'
that attracted people, not knowing that it was the nobility and magnificence of
Muhammad (peace be on him) that drew people there, for the Stone had laid there
for long ages without anyone paying any particular attention to it. In the end,
the Black Stone was brought back and returned to its place.'
Abu Tahir died in 332/944 and had made a will of succession
for his elder brother, Ahmad Abu Tahir. Some also supported Sabur, the son of
Abu Tahir; therefore, it was mutually resolved that Ahmad Abu Tahir would rule
with Sabur as his successor. Sabur however rebelled in vain against his uncle
in 358/969; but himself was arrested and executed. Ahmad Abu Tahir was poisoned
in 359/970, and his elder brother Abul Kassim Sa'id also died after ruling for
two years. In 361/972, Abu Yaqub Yousuf, the brother of Ahmad Abu Tahir began
to rule until 366/977. Henceforward, the Qarmatian state of Bahrain came to be
ruled jointly by six grandsons of Abu Sa'id, known as al-sada al- ru'asa.
Ismaili History 511 - Decline of the Qarmatians
Meanwhile, Hasan al-A'sam, the son of Ahmad Abu Tahir and a
nephew of Abu Tahir, had become the commander of the Qarmatian forces, who was
usually selecting to lead the Qarmatians in their military campaigns outside
Bahrain. In 357/968, Hasan al-A'sam had taken Damascus after defeating Hasan
bin Ubaidullah bin Tughj, the Ikhshidid governor of Syria. The Qarmatians also
sacked Ramla and took vast riches and returnced to Bahrain. About three months
following the Fatimid conquest of Egypt, a Qarmatian force, commanded by
al-A'sam's cousin, again came to Damascus and defeated Hasan bin Ubaidullah,
the Ikhshidid governor of Syria. Finally, a peace treaty had been concluded
between them, and according to which, the Ikhshidid agreed to pay an annual
tribute to the Qarmatians. In 359/970, a large Fatimid force commanded by Jafar
bin Falah was sent to conquer Syria. The Ikhshidid governor, Hasan bin
Ubaidullah sought necessary help from the Qarmatians. Jafar bin Falah attacked
at full gallop and defeated the joint forces of the Ikhshidid and the
Qarmatians near Ramla. Hasan bin Ubaidullah was taken prisoner. The Fatimid
conquered Syria, resulting the loss of the tribute to the Qarmatians being paid
to them previously by the Ikhshidids. This is cited as the main cause for the
invasion of the Qarmatians on Syria next year.
In 360/970, being helped by the Buwahid Izz ad-Dawla
Bakhtiyar (356-367/967-978) and the Hamdanid Abu Taghlib of Mosul, the
Qarmatian commander, Hasan al-A'sam captured Damascus and Ramla, having
defeated the Fatimids and killed Jafar bin Falah in battle. Hasan al- A'sam,
who had also allied himself with the Abbasids, proclaimed the suzerainty of the
Abbasids in Syria and had Imam al-Muizz cursed in the mosques of Damascus.
In 361/971, Hasan al-A'sam marched towards Egypt and reached
near the gates of Cairo, but he was turned back by the Fatimids, and was
obliged to retreat to al-Ahsa, but Damascus remained in the hands of the
Qarmatians. In 363/974, after coming to Cairo, Imam al-Muizz wrote a letter to
Hasan al-A'sam, stating the dignity of Ahl-al-Bait and his own excellence. He
also recalled the early relations of the Qarmatians with the Ismailis, and also
warned him to refrain from his attacks. Hasan al-A'sam took no heed of
al-Muizz's reproach, and made his letter public and denounced the Fatimids. He
entered Egypt in 363/974 for the second time, and went as far as Ayn Shams and
besieged Cairo, and took possession of the moat. The defeat of the Fatimid
force on that occasion would have been inevitable had al-Muizz not won over to
his side one of the allies of the Qarmatians, named Hasan bin Jarrah, who
abandoned in the thick of the fight. Hasan al-A'sam was defeated and retreated,
and died at Ramla in 366/977. His cousin Jafar took charge of the Qarmatians.
In 368/978, Imam al-Aziz himself took field and subdued Iftagin and the
Qarmatians near Ramla. The Qarmatians agreed to a peace. Henceforward, the
Qarmatians of Bahrain were reduced to a local power. Most of the Qarmatians
reverted to their original Ismaili faith, and left Bahrain and settled as
isolated families in Oman, Muscat, Gwadar and Makran. The rest of the power of
the Qarmatians declined when the Buwahids inflicted two heavy defeats in
375/985. In 378/988, the Qarmatians suffered another humiliating defeat at the
hands of al-Asfar, the chief of the clan of Muntafiq, and after that, the
Qarmatians almost disappeared from history. Silvestre de Sacy writes in his
'Memoir on the dynasty of the Assassins' (Paris, 1818, p. 5) that he had learnt
from books of the Druze that the Qarmatians were still ruling in al-Ahsa in
422/1031. We also learn from the 'Safar-nama' (pp. 87-89) of Nasir Khusaro (d.
481/1088), who was at al-Ahsa in 443/1051 that the Qarmatians were ruling under
a council of six descendants of Abu Sa'id, assisted by six vizirs, in the line
of Ibn Sanbar. He also writes that the Friday prayers and other rites such as
fasting were not observed at al-Ahsa, where all mosques had been closed. Around
450/1058, a certain Abul Bahlul al- Awwam of the tribe of Abdul Qays, aided by
his brother Abul Walid Muslim, rebelled against the Qarmatian governor of Uwal.
In the following year, the rebels defeated a Qarmatian fleet, and Qatif was
snatched from them very soon. The Qarmatians were then threatened by Abdullah
bin Ali al-Uyuni, the chief of the clan of Mura bin Amir of Abdul Qays, who
rose against them in 462/1070 and defeated the Qarmatians and laid siege over
al-Ahsa for seven years. Assisted by a force of Turkoman horsemen sent from the
Abbasids, Abdullah bin Ali al-Uyuni seized al-Ahsa in 469/1076. He decisively
subdued the Qarmatians in 470/1077, putting a definite end to the Qarmatian
state of Bahrain, and founded a local rule of the Uyunids in eastern Arabia.
Ismaili History 512 - The Ismailis and the Qarmatians
It must be known that some historians have tried to
establish as fact that the Qarmatians and the Ismailis constituted one and the
same movement, and some have tried to prove the contrary. Ibn Rizam, an
anti-Ismaili pamphleteer of the first half of the fourth/tenth century had
wrongly woven stories of the Ismailis and Qarmatians, to which S.M. Stern
writes in 'Studies in Early Ismailism' (Jerusalem, 1983, p. 295) that, 'One
might regard this account which derives after all from a pamphleteer whose aim
was to blacken the reputation of the Fatimid, with some suspicion.' Historian
Nuwayri (d. 732/1332) also poured unbelievable stuff, whose primary purpose was
to provide entertaining reading and cared less than anything for the truth. It
is however curious to note a general tendency in the Sunnite and Shiite
sources, when referring to the Ismailis, often erroneously call them Qarmatians
without perception of the distinction between them. The Qarmatians have been
discredited invariably as the extremist and opportunistically nihilist, and
their extreme activities have been wrongly conflated with the Ismailis. Syed
Abid Ali writes in 'Political Theory of the Shiites' (cf. 'A History of Muslim
Philosophy', ed. by M.M. Sharif, Germany, 1963, 1st. vol., p. 738) that, 'The
Carmathian sect is not confused with the Ismailites, as the latest research has
established beyond any doubt: it is the term 'Ismailite' which is indicative of
the true origin of the sect, other appellations being either misleading or
based on hostility to this sect in general and to orthodox Shiites in
particular.' He also writes, 'At this juncture, it is perhaps expedient to
state in the most explicit terms that the Carmathians were not associated with
the Ismailis, nor were they identical with them as it is sometimes wrongly
supposed.' (Ibid., p. 741). S.M. Stern also writes in 'Studies in Early
Ismailism' (Jerusalem, 1983, pp. 289-290) that, 'It is true that the movement
to which both names (Ismailis and Qarmatians) are applied was at one moment in
its history broken by a schism, and that the name 'Qarmatian' was predominantly
used in respect of the Qarmatians of Bahrayn, who were at variance with the
main body of the Ismaili movement; yet even then the term 'Qarmatian' was not
exclusively reserved for them and was often used - usually in a derogatory
sense - to denote any Ismaili.... The early Ismailis were seldom so denominated
by their contemporaries, being called instead by such names as Qarmatians or
Batinis. They themselves seem to have designated their movement simply by the
name 'the mission', al-dawa, or more formally 'the right-guided mission',
al-dawa al-hadiya; thus 'to be converted to Ismailism' would be rendered by
them as 'to enter the mission', dakhala'l-dawa. (Ibid. pp. 289-90)
Returning the thread of our narrative, it is seen that
al-Mahdi had to deal with the Berber tribes who were enraged by the death of
Abu Abdullah. He also invaded Morocco in 309/921 and got an end of the Idrisid
dynasty. He also captured Sicly and extended his rule throughout North Africa.
Ismaili History 513 - Fatimids influence in Sicily
Sicily (Italian Sicilia) is an island, covering an area of
9830 square miles. It is separated from Italy by the narrow strait of Messina,
wherefrom it is about 2 miles from the toe of the Italian mainland. On the
south-east it is about 90 miles from Cape Bon in Tunisia. Being a trangular in
shape, it was given the name of Trinacria or Triquetra in ancient times.
Following the fall of the Roman empire in 476 A.D., Sicily was occupied by the
Ostrogoths. By the middle of the 6th century, it came under the rule of the
Byzantine emperor. In 212/827, the Muslims captured the island, which became
their cultural centre.
The Aghlabids had seized Sicily from the Byzantines in
264/878, which was inherited by the Fatimids. The Byzantines however had
continued to retain the occupation of Calabria in southern Italy. Sicily was
thickly populated by Lombards, Greeks, Arabs and Berbers. The first reported
Fatimid governor of Sicily was Ibn Abil Fawaris. Soon afterwards in 297/910, he
was replaced by Hasan bin Ahmad, also known as Ibn Abi Khinzir. He raided the
southern Italian coasts in 298/911 and also in the following year against the
pirates and brought rich booty. In 299/912, the Arabs and the Berbers rebelled
against him in Palermo and Girgenti due to his severity. It was al- Mahdi to
have suppressed the uprisings diplomatically and appointed Ali bin Umar
al-Balawi. The Sicilians opposed the new appointment and chose Ibn Qurhub as
their own governor. Ibn Qurhub was against the Fatimids and declared his
support to the Abbasid caliph al- Muqtadir (295-320/908-932). Later, the
Berbers of Girgenti, joined by the inhabitants of other parts of Sicily,
revolted against Ibn Qurhub, who was taken prisoner and sent to al-Mahdi, who
had him executed. After this short interval of political cataclysm, Sicily
again reverted to the Fatimid domain, though the political troubles continued
to erupt on the island.
Ismaili History 514 - Expedition against Italy
The early Fatimid used Sicily as a base for launching raids
against the coastal towns of Italy and France, including the islands of the
western Mediterranean; and also continued to be engaged in war and diplomacy
with the Byzantines.
The first reported raid against the south of Italian
peninsula took place in 306/918. The Fatimid troops captured Reggio. The second
incursion was launched from Mahdiya in the summer of 310/922. With a fleet of
20 galleys, the Fatimid officer Masud bin Ghalib al-Wusuli took possession of
the fortress of St. Agatha. Two years later, Jafar bin Ubaid, known as Suluk,
led the third expedition, with Palermo as his starting point. He captured
Bruzzano and Oria and returned to Mahdiya with vast riches. The resounding
success of this campaign had the effect of inducing the Byzantines to conclude
a treaty with the Fatimids. But the annual tribute agreed for Calabria was slow
to reach Mahdiya and hostilities resumed in 315/927. Continuing until 318/930
under the command of Sabir, the Fatimid incursions proceeded victoriously
against Tarento, Salerno, Naples and Termoli. Eventually the tribute was paid
and the treaty resumed in force until the death of al-Mahdi. According to 'The
Encyclopaedia of Islam' (Leiden, 1986, 5th vol., p. 1244), 'Byzantium allowed
the Fatimid sovereign to subjugate Apulia and Calabria and to reinforce the
supremacy of Islam in Sicily.'
Ismaili History 515 - Expeditions against Egypt
The period under our review is noted for the Ismaili dais to
have launched a brisk and pervasive mission in Egypt, where most of the
officials and nobles had espoused Ismailism and entered into correspondence
with al-Mahdi in Maghrib. Hence, Egypt offered an easier prey and to invade it
was indubitably a less perilous enterprise. In 301/913, a powerful force
commanded by his son, al-Qaim had been dispatched by land, and a fleet of 200
ships under Hubasa bin Yousuf against Alexandria. The Egyptian governor could
not resist and acquired reinforcement from the Abbasids. Initially, the course
of the expedition proceeded in al-Qaim's favour, but after capturing
Alexandria, he failed before Fustat, and not being capable confrounting the Egyptian
army reinforced from Baghdad under the command of Munis, he retracted his steps
towards Maghrib.
In 307/919, al-Mahdi returned to the attack with a second
expedition commanded again by his son. This project at first progressed
favourably as the preceding with the capture of Alexandria and the occupation
of Fayyum. But when the Fatimid fleet encountered disater at Rosetta due to the
shortage of supplies, and the battles before Fustat turned to the advantage of
the troops of Munis, al-Qaim was forced for the second time to retreat and
returned to Maghrib. This time the Abbasid ships were manned by experienced
Greek mariners. In sum, both invasions procured no result, but Barqa remained
however in Fatimid's occupation.
Al-Mahdi seems to have organised, shortly before his death,
a third expedition against Egypt. In fact, this third attemp took place in
323/935 at the beginning of the reign of his successor, al-Qaim.
Ismaili History 516 - Foundation of al-Mahdiya
In 301/914, al-Mahdi founded a new city on the coast near
Kairwan and gave to it the name of al-Mahdiya, that served as the Fatimid
capital for some generations. The site selected on the Gulf of Gabes, between
Susa and Sfax on a small peninsula with a narrow neck just into the sea for
nearly a mile in length and less than 500 yards in breath, which terminates the
cape of Africa. It was the 'town of Africa' of the European historians of the
Middle Ages. The landscape of the new city was like a hand stretching out onto
the waters of the Mediterranean Sea. There were only two entrances of castles,
mosques, fortresses and warehouses and the fortification along the shore
consisted of a thick wall barrier. The reflection of light and the imagery of
waves on the rocks are unimaginable. There were 16 towers of which 8 belonged
to the original foundation and another 8 were added in a later period.
The official inauguration of the new capital was pushed
forward to 8th Shawal, 308/February 20, 921. Ibn Idhari al-Marrakushi composed
a poem in 308/921 in 'Bayan al-Maghrib' (Leiden, 1948, 1st vol., p. 184) for
al-Mahdi to celebrate his arrival in the new capital, whose few couplets are
given as under:-
Congratulations, O magnanimous prince,
For your arrival on which time smiles.
It is al-Mahdiya, the sacred, the protected,
Just as the sacred places are in Tihama.
As if your footprints make it,
The Maqam Ibrahim when there is no maqam (station).
O Mahdi, Dominion is itself a servant to you,
Served by time itself.
The world is yours and your progeny's wherever you are.
In it all of you will always be Imam.
The population soon grew rapidly, therefore, a second city
had to be built nearby, to which al-Mahdi gave the name of Zawila.
Mahdiya retained its originality with eye-catching
architecture for over 600 years, but it had been decayed by the European ruler.
The Spanish historian L. del Marmol Carajal, who was present when the entire
fortifications were blown up by Charles V in 1553, vide 'Descripcion general de
Affrica' (Granda, 1573, 2nd vol., p. 270).
Ismaili History 517 - Fatimids ship-building
Al-Mahdi also built an impressive shipyard which soon
enabled the Fatimids to create a powerful fleet. The Fatimid set up
ship-building factory, and yards were opened in Tunis. In 303/915, a big dock
was constructed by digging out a hill on the coast of the Mediterranean, making
a surface area of about 8250 square meters, so that 200 battle ships might be
kept in reserve there. These ships were called shini and were so big that one
of them required 143 oars to move it. It had a gate and a lock that could be
closed.
To maintain the stability of the empire, connecting with
different parts by sea-routes, the Fatimid gave due attention in the nautical
progress. Yaqut (575-626/1179-1229) writes in 'Mu'ajam al-Buldan' (comp.
625/1228) that, 'The most renowned port of Maghrib was Mahdiya. Its dock was
cut out of solid rock. It was a capacious dock, and could harbour thirty ships
at once. On both sides of the port there lay big chains, which were opened when
a ship came in.' Makrizi (1363-1442) writes in his 'al-Khitat' (3rd vol., p.
320) that the Fatimids were the first to start mock fights at sea in the world.
The Fatimid admirals also developed the techniques of attacking ships with
fire-throwers which the English employed five centuries later when they routed
the Spanish Armada.
Ismaili History 518 - Mission in Khorasan
The Ismaili mission was carried on in Khorasan around the
last decade of the 3rd century/903-913 by Abu Abdullah al-Khadim, who stayed in
Nishapur as the first chief dai of Khorasan. He was executed during the
governorship of Abu Bakr bin Muhtaj (321-327/933-939), and was succeeded around
307/919 by Abu Sa'id al-Sha'rani, who was sent by al-Mahdi from Maghrib. He was
followed by Hussain bin Ali al-Marwazi, who transferred his seat from Nishapur
to Marw al-Rudh.
The Ismaili dawa was so pervasive in Khorasan that Nizam
al-Mulk, an anti-observer, in fact, noticed that there existed an identifiable
Ahl Khorasan among the Ismailis. Al-Marwazi is reputed in the annals of the Samanid
dynasty, and during the rule of Ahmad bin Ismail (295-301/907-914), he
commanded the Samanid forces in Sijistan in 298/910. In 300/913, al-Marwazi led
the Samanid forces in Sijistan for the second time, and returned to Bukhara in
the same year. Abu Zaid Balkhi (235-322/850-934) compiled his 'Suwar al-Aqalim'
in 308/920, and makes mention of Hussain bin Ali al-Marwazi and his brother
Muhammed Suluk, when the author visited his birthplace, Balkh in 301/914. Abu
Zaid Balkhi also writes his close relation with al-Marwazi and the regular
material assistance he acquired from him.
It is said that al-Marwazi hoped to be appointed governor of
Sijistan due to his valuable services, but was disappointed. After the death of
Ahmad bin Ismail and the accession of Nasr bin Ahmad in 301/914, al-Marwazi
paid his allegiance to Mansur bin Ishaq, the cousin of Ahmad bin Ismail in
Herat. Al-Marwazi extended his influence in Nishapur, but soon he had to return
to Herat, and subsequently he again went to Nishapur and captured it. The
Samanid commander, Ahmad bin Sahl (306-307/918-919) was sent against him, who
took Herat and gave battle to al-Marwazi before Marw al-Rudh in 306/918. This
time al-Marwazi was defeated due to shortage of supplies, and was taken
prisoner to Bukhara, where he was imprisoned. He was released with the
intervention of vizir al-Jayhani. After being pardoned and spending some time
at Samanid court, he returned to Khorasan to organize the mission works, where
he spent rest of his life.
Ismaili History 519 - Turbulences in Yamen
Yamen was an original plant and a vital zone of the Fatimid
mission under the able and loyal headship of Ibn Hawshab. In 291/904, however,
his close associate, Ali bin Fazal al-Jadani had shown signs of disloyalty, and
in 299/911, he publicly renounced his allegiance to al-Mahdi. It must be noted
that in Egypt, when al-Mahdi decided to go to Maghrib instead of Yamen in
291/904, the daiFiruz also gave up Ismaili faith and fled to Yamen, and
instigated a revolt. He won the support of Ali bin Fazal. Subsequently, Firuz
was killed and Ali bin Fazal endeavoured unsuccessfully to coerce the
collaboration of Ibn Hawshab. The death of Ibn Hawshab took place in 303/914,
and had made a will to his son Abul Hasan Mansur and his pupil Abdullah bin
Abbas al-Shawiri to administer the mission in Yamen till an official
appointment of a new chief dai by al-Mahdi. Upon his death, al-Shawiri had sent
a letter to al-Mahdi, reporting the death of Ibn Hawshab, and requesting for
any chief dai instead. In a reply, al-Mahdi confirmed the post of al-Shawiri as
a chief dai. Jafar, the son of Ibn Hawshab was alone among his brothers to
demonstrate his loyalty to the Fatimids, but his elder brother, Abul Hasan
Mansur, who was expecting to succeed his father, had defected from the mission,
and returned to his castles in Miswar, where he was joined by his brothers.
Jafar, noticing the inimical intentions of his brothers towards al-Shawiri,
tried to persuade that a quarrel would only lead to impair the Ismaili influence
in Yamen. In spite of this warning, Abul Hasan Mansur waited for his
opportunity, and killed al-Shawiri and took the dominions. Jafar immediately
went to Maghrib, where he reached when al-Mahdi had expired in 322/934. Imam
al-Qaim charged him the mission work in Maghrib, where he also served Imam
al-Mansur and Imam al-Muizz, and was commonly known as Jafar bin Mansur
al-Yamen.
It must be known that Ishaq bin Imran, known as Summ Sa'a, a
pioneer physician-philosopher had introduced high standard of medical education
and practice at the beginning of the Fatimid period. In view of his great
ability, intellegiance and independent spirit, he influenced professional
development through out Maghrib. His widely known and eloquent student was Abu
Yaqub bin Suleman, who managed to become the personal physician of Abu Abdullah
and continued his service at the Fatimid court with al-Mahdi, and died in
320/932 at Kairwan. His medical works were among the first to be translated
into Latin, the task being accomplished by Constantine the African about 1080.
His works exercised much influence on western medieval medicine, and were still
being read in the 17th century. Robert Burton (1577-1680) quotes them freely in
his 'Anatomy of Melancholy.' Ibn Suleman's medical works included 'al-Hummayat'
on fevers, which was translated into Latin and Hebrew in Europe. His another
work 'Aqawil fi taba'i al-Aghdhiya wal Adwiya' deals on diet and drug. And
above all, his treatise on urine dominated medicine for many centuries. Very
remarkable is his small tract, extant in Hebrew translation only, called 'Guide
for Physicians.' It shows a high ethical conception of the medical profession.
The medico-pharmaceutical contribution in Maghrib under
al-Mahdi reached their highest expression in the works of Abu Jafar bin al-
Jazzar (905-984) in Kairwan. He was the student of Ibn Suleman. He used to go
to Manastir, a town in Tunisia, where, next to his regular clinic, he erected a
cabin as an apothecary shop, wherein he kept his syrups, electuries etc. His
chief work, 'Provision for the Traveller' was early translated into Latin as
the 'Viaticum', Greek 'Ephodia' and Hebrew.
Ismaili History 520 - Death of al-Mahdi
Having laid a firm foundation for Fatimid rule in Maghrib,
extending from Morocco to the borders of Egypt, al-Mahdi died on 15th Rabi I,
322/February 22, 934 at the age of 61 years, 5 months and 3 days. F. Dachraoui
writes in his article in 'Encyclopaedia of Islam' (1985, 5th vol., p. 1244)
that, 'Mahdi had the skill and energy to conduct moderate but firm policies
within his provinces, and to wage tireless warfare beyond his frontiers to
affirm the right of the descendants of Fatima to lead the Muslim world. Thus,
under his rule, the Fatimid empire embarked successfully on the first phase of
its long history.'
Ismaili History 521 - AL-QAIM (322-334/934-946)
He was born in 280/893 in Salamia. His name was Muhammad
Nizar, surnamed al-Qaim bi-Amrillah (Firm in the ordinances of God). He married
to Umm Habiba, the daughter of his uncle, and ascended in 322/934.
Ismaili History 522 - Expedition against Egypt
It may be remembered that al-Qaim had commanded the Fatimid
naval forces in 301/913. The Fatimid fleet sailed from Mahdiya towards the
northern coast of Egypt and returned to Raqada after conquering Tripoli. In the
following year Hubasa bin Yousuf set off east and conquered Surt and Ajabiyya
on 7th Rajab, 301, February 6, 914 he entered Barqa. On Thursday the 14th
Zilhaja, 301/July 7, 914 al-Qaim followed him from Raqada with a large army.
Contrary to his orders, Hubasa, without waiting for his arrival, pushed further
east and invaded Alexandria on 2nd Safar, 302/August 27, 914. Al-Qaim arrived
there on Friday the 14th Rabi II, 302/November 4, 914. The Abbasids succeeded
to prevent the Fatimid's entry in Egypt. At his withdrawal from Egypt, al-Qaim
however left a garrison in Barqa.
In 307/919, the second attempt had been conducted at the
command of al-Qaim. He set out eastward on Monday the 1st Zilkada, 306/April 5,
919. On Friday the 8th Safar, 307/July 9, 919 the vanguard of the army arrived
in Alexandria. This time the Fatimid forces made an advance right upto the
Egyptian capital before they were repulsed. These two invasions were launched
during the period of Imam al-Mahdi. After his succession, al-Qaim made a third
attempt in 323/935 under the command of Raydan. Muhammad bin Tughj al-Ikhshidid
(323-334/935- 946), the then governor of Egypt, repelled this attack, forcing
the Fatimid forces to withdraw to Barqa. Nothing was gained in these three
campaigns, but it made a way open for the next period to the Fatimid to occupy
Egypt.
Ismaili History 523 - Abu Hatim ar-Razi
One of the most eminent Ismaili dais during this period was
Abu Hatim ar-Razi, the hujjat of Ray. He was born near Ray around 260/874. He
conducted the mission with great efficiency and promptness. He was a remarkably
learned dai, and studied Ismaili doctrines, but also Arabic poetry, the
religious science of Islam, comparative religion and indeed the natural and
mathematical sciences of the day. He succeeded to bring the ruler of Ray, Ahmad
bin Ali (307-311/92O-924) to the Ismaili fold, who was formerly aggressive to
the Ismailis. Abu Hatim also deputed his subordinate dais in Tabaristan,
Ispahan, Azerbaijan and Jurjan; resulting a large conversion, including Mardav
ad-Daylami, the governor of Tabaristan; Yousuf bin Abi'l Saj, the governor of
Azerbaijan, and Asfar bin Shroya. Abu Hatim was a great philosopher, orator and
writer. W.Ivanow writes in 'A Creed of the Fatimids' (Bombay, 1936, p. 5) that,
'Abu Hatim ar-Razi surely was one of the most erudite authors that Ismailism,
and generally, Islam has ever produced.' Seyyed Hossein Nasr writes in the
introduction of 'A'lam al-Nubuwwah' (ed. by Salah al-Sawy, Tehran, 1977, p. 1)
that, 'He is one of the most outstanding theologians and philosophers of Islam
and a major figure in that galaxy of exceptional thinkers, such as Hamid al-Din
Kirmani, Nasir-i Khusraw and Qadi Numan, who produced the Ismaili philosophy of
the Fatimid period.'
The most acclaimed of his works is 'Kitab az-Zina' designed
as an encyclopaedia of Islamic terminologies with a large store of useful
informations. Idris Imaduddin (d. 872/1468) writes in the 5th volume of
'Uyun'l-Akhbar' that it was greatly admired by Imam al-Qaim when it was
presented to him, and he gave it to his son, al-Mansur in a gift, commanding to
keep it secret.
Abu Hatim left Ray in 311/924 and sided with Asfar bin
Shroya (d. 319/931). He acquired many converts in Daylam and Gilan, including
Asfar bin Shroya's deputy, Mardawij bin Ziyar (d. 323/935). According to
Hamiduddin Kirmani in 'al-Aqwal al-Dhahabiyya' (Tehran, 1977, pp. 2-3), 'The
famous disputation between Abu Hatim and the physician-philosopher, Abu Bakr
Muhammad bin Zakaria ar-Razi (251-313/865- 925) took place in Mardawij's
presence.' The discussion concerning prophethood is given in his 'A'lam
al-Nubuwwah.' He answered the questions of Zakaria ar-Razi that how he
necessiated that only one nation would be favoured and given superiority over
others. He also argued that his conception regarding the eternity of five
principles, namely God, Soul, Matter, Space and Time was absurd. He also
discussed logically the questions relating to blind faith, analogy, miracles
etc.
Mardawij at first supported Abu Hatim, but started enmity
against the Ismailis. Thus Abu Hatim returned to Ray, thence he proceeded to
Azerbaijan and took refuge with a local ruler called, Muflih. He died in
322/934 in Daylam, and after him, the Ismailis of Khorasan and Transoxania
became disordered, and finally their leadership came to the hands of Abdul
Malik al-Kawkabi, who resided in Girdkuh, the future stronghold of the Nizari
Ismailis.
Ismaili History 524 - An-Nasafi and Abu Yaqub as-Sijistani
Abu Hatim ar-Razi was followed by Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin
Ahmad an-Nasafi and Abu Yaqub as-Sijistani staying at Ray. An-Nasafi operated
the mission mostly in Khorasan and Bukhara, and gained great success in
converting the Sunni ruler, Nasr bin Ahmad, who had given allegiance to Imam al-Mahdi
and paid him an annual tribute of 119 thousand dinars. Nasr bin Ahmad also
entered into correspondence with al-Qaim in Maghrib.
The renowned poet and intellect, Abu Abdullah bin Jafar bin
Muhammad bin Hakim bin Abdur Rahman bin Adam ar-Rudaki ash-Shair as-
Samarkandi, known as Rudaki (d. 329/940) also found an opportunity of espousing
Ismaili faith in this period. Some historians sought to explain the term Rudaki
by saying that he was so called because he could play on rud (harp), which is
an erroneous view. The poet himself adopted his pen-name, Rudaki because he
hailed from a village in the district of Rudak. He was a court poet of the
Samanids, and composed many verses in praise of the Fatimid Imams. In one
place, Maruf of Balkh, one of the earliest Samanid poets, says: 'I have heard
the king of poets, Rudaki as saying, `do not give allegiance to anyone save the
Fatimids.''
The Abbasids took notice of the rapid conversion of the
Ismailis in Khorasan, notably Nasr bin Ahmad, and insinuated Nuh bin Nasr
(331-343/943-954), the son of Nasr bin Ahmad; against his father and the
Ismailis. Nuh bin Nasr dethroned his father and conducted a barbarous massacre
of the Ismailis in 331/942, known in the Ismaili history as al-mainat al-uzama
(great calamity) in Khorasan and Transoxania. An-Nasafi and his chief
associates were also executed in the wild operations at Bukhara in 332/943. For
this reason, Nasir Khusaro called him Khwaj-i Shahid and Shaikh al-Shahid. It
resulted a setback in Ismaili mission, but was resumed under an-Nasafi's son,
Masud, surnamed Dihqan and Abu Yaqub as-Sijistani. An-Nasafi is considered a
leading Ismaili philosopher among the early Ismailis. He produced a major work,
entitled 'Kitab al-Mahsul' (Book of the Yield). Paul E. Walker writes in 'Abu
Yaqub al-Sijistani: Intellectual Missionary' (London, 1996, pp. 17-18) that,
'So influential were al-Nasafi and this one book that, throughout the rest of
the century, writers both in and outside the Ismaili fold referred to it as if
it represented the intellectual heart of Ismailism.'
It is generally agreed upon by the scholars that
as-Sijistani was not executed with an-Nasafi in 331/942. The mistake however
arose from misreading of al-Baghdadi's statement in 'al-Firaq bayn al-Firaq,'
stating that both an-Nasafi and as-Sijistani were executed. In the introduction
of both 'Risalat al-Mawazin' and 'Risalat al-Mabda wal Ma'ad,' he himself
mentions the name of Imam al-Hakim, who acceded to the throne in 386/996. Thus,
it implies that he was still alive in 386/996. His death, therefore, could be
placed between 386/996 and 393/1003. He had managed to escape the widespread
massacre, and continued the mission in Bukhara.
Abu Yaqub Ishaq bin Ahmad as-Sijistani, nicknamed
'cotton-seed' (Iranian, panba-dana, Arabic khayshafuj) was born in 271/883 and
was trained in Yamen. He was a great philosopher and scholar and considered to
be one of the major Ismaili thinkers whose share in the development of the
Ismaili system of thought is considerable. Paul E. Walker writes, 'Yet, from
the prominence of his books and the profoundly impressive intellectual
contribution they (Ismailis) represent, we discover a truly significant mind
and voice - one that deserves recognition as an outstanding figure in the
Ismaili past and as a major force in Islamic thought in general' (op. cit., p.
13). He was executed by Khalaf bin Ahmed (363-393/964-1003), the Saffarid ruler
of Khorasan. The period of as-Sijistani saw many prominent Ismaili thinkers,
such as Abul Haytham Ahmad bin Hasan al-Jurjani, an Ismaili philosopher-poet
from Gurgan, who composed many poems on Ismaili doctrines. His Ismaili disciple
was Muhammad bin Surkh al-Nishapuri.
Ismaili History 525 - Expeditions against Italy
In 323/935, the Italian pirates raided the coastal regions
of the Fatimid, therefore, al-Qaim turned his attention towards Europe, and
dispatched a strong squadron of 20 sailing vessels under the command of an Arab
Amir al-Bahr (the European, Admiral), Yaqub bin Ishaq al-Tamimi, who made a
successful attack on Italy, the south of France, and the coast of Genoa and
Calabria, and a part of Lombardy was also brought into subjection. During the
Italian raids, the Fatimid forces used mangonels (arradas or dabbabas), an
engine missiling the heavy stones on target, which was the then most advanced
weapon. Maurice Lombard writes in 'The Golden Age of Islam' (Netherlands, 1975,
p. 86) that, 'Fatimid currency was in use throughout southern Italy. Dinars and
particularly quarter dinars (rub) were in circulation and were initiated
(tarin), a phenomenon similar to that observed in the Christian kingdoms in
northern Spain and the country of Barcelona which, in the eleventh century,
initiated the Muslim gold currencies in use in the south of the peninsula.'
The Fatimid fleet was unfortunately called back, according
to 'Islam in Africa' (Lahore, 1964, p. 87) by Prof. Mahmud Brelvi, 'just at the
moment when Qaim's navy was about to conquer the whole Italy'. It was due to
the domestic rebellion of Abu Yazid. Syed Zakir Hussain writes in 'Tarikh-i
Islam' (Delhi, 1935) that, 'If Abu Yazid had not staged a massive revolt
against the Fatimids, al-Qaim would have probably conquered the whole of
Europe, resulting a loss of a great Islamic victory.' R. Brunschvig also
admitted the loss of Europe in the campaign, vide 'Encyclopaedia of Islam'
(1934. 4th vol., p. 850). The Fatimid fleet, returning to Mahdiya, also
occupied islands of Sardinia, Corsica, Malta, Crete and Cyprus for a short
while. And here we cannot but call attention to a fact that the Fatimids were
the masters of the entire Mediterranean, and their fleets operated freely
throughout its length and breadth.
Al-Qaim had to meet more serious rebellions hatching in the
west. The principle revolt took place amongst the Zanata tribe, south of Katama
territory, who were the Kharijis under the leadership of Abu Yazid. In 332/943,
he marched northwards and took Baghai, Tabassa, Mermajenna and Laribus. The
Fatimid forces tried to prevent his advance upon Baja, but were repulsed. Abu Yazid
marched towards Kairwan, but this time he suffered defeat. He soon rallied, and
took Raqada, and then pressed on to Kairwan and captured it. Mahdiya put up a
vigrous resistance for almost a year, repelling Abu Yazid's repeated attempts
to storm the capital. Ziri bin Manad, the amir of the tribe of the Sanhaja sent
a new reinforcement to the Fatimids, who was a fervent Ismaili. It must be
noted that in recognition of his outstanding services, al-Qaim had granted
permission to Ziri bin Manad to rebuild and fortify the town of Ashir in the
central Maghrib, on the western borders of the Sanhaja territory.
In 334/945, Abu Yazid ordered for massacre and plunder, and
captured Tunisia. The Fatimid forces were able to regain the whole Tunisia next
year. But, after an interval, Abu Yazid rallied and laid siege to the town of
Susa.
We see that al-Qaim was an experienced soldier and an able
commander who could lead his forces to victory. Unlike his father, he used to
participate in military expeditions. He was bold and courageous, and his
activities were not confined to his military operations only. He was not harsh
towards his opponents and was tolerant. Prof. Mahmud Brelvi writes in 'Islam in
Africa' (Lahore, 1964, pp. 86-87) that, 'Qaim was a great warrior, and was the
first of the Fatimid Caliphs who created a powerful fleet in the Mediterranean.
After re-establishing his authority in Mauritania, he turned his attention
towards the continent of Europe. His ports had been harassed by the Italian
pirates from the Ligurian coast, from Pisa and other places. In reprisal, Qaim
overran Southern Italy as far as Gaeta, and his ships of war captured Genoa. A
part of Lombardy was also brought into subjection. Unfortunately, the pent-up
wrath of the people at the excesses of the savage Berbers, the allies of the
Fatimids, burst into a furious flame just at the moment when Qaim's navy was
about to conquer the whole Italy. The revolt was headed by a Khariji, named Abu
Yazid.'
In 325/937, Khalid bin Ishaq, the governor of Sicily laid
foundation of a new city, called Khalisa, near Palermo. Its structure and
design almost resembled the city of Mahdiya. The chiefs of Sicily and other
officials mostly lived in Khalisa, where most of the administration was
controlled.
Prof. Masudul Hasan writes in 'History of Islam' (Lahore,
1987, 1st vol., p. 492) that, 'Al-Qaim ruled for eleven years. He was a man of
courage, and did not lose nerves even in the face of great difficulty. He lost
most of his territory to Abu Yazid, and was besieged in his capital Mahdiya. In
spite of a very difficult situation, he preserved, and out of the civil war
which lasted for several years, the Fatimids ultimately emerged victorious.
This civil war changed the course of history. But for this civil war, al-Qaim
would have occupied a greater part of Italy, and that would have served a base
for the conquest of Europe.'
Al-Qaim died on 14th Shawal, 334/May 19, 946 at the height
of Abu Yazid's rebellion, who at that time had sieged over Susa. His age was 59
years, 6 months and 27 days and the period of the Imamate and Caliphate lasted
for 12 years, 6 months and 27 days.
Ismaili History 526 - AL-MANSUR (334-341/946-952)
He was born in 302/914 in Kairwan, the first Fatimid Imam to
be born in Maghrib. His name was Ismail and kunya was Abu Tahir, surnamed
al-Mansur bi-Amrillah (Victorious by the command of God). He acceded the throne
on 334/945 during the time when Abu Yazid had laid a seige over Susa.
It may be known that kunya is a part of the Arab personal
name, being an appellation consisting of Abu (father of) or Umm (mother of) and
followed by a name, usually that of the bearer's eldest son.
Ismaili History 527 - Abu Yazid Khariji
Abu Yazid Khariji, or Abu Yazid Makhlad bin Kaydad, traced
his tribal origin to the clan of Ifran, one of the leading branches of the
Zanata. He was a schoolmaster at Taharat, and had a leaning towards the
doctrines of the Kharijis. He learnt the doctrines from Abu Ammar al-A'ma. Abu
Yazid had been elected then the leader of the Kharijis, and became more
interested to acquire political power. After spending sometime in Taharat, he
returned to Qastilia, where he started his anti-Fatimid agitation in 316/928
and soon procured a large following. With the Berbers moving quickly to his
side, Abu Yazid engineered his revolt against the Fatimids in 332/944, and
swiftly conquered almost all the southern regions, and seized Kairwan in
333/944. Abu Yazid advanced and laid a seige over Susa when al-Mansur ascended.
Ibn Khallikan (1211-1282) writes in 'Wafayat al-A'yan' (1st. vol., p. 219)
that, 'Al-Mansur was charged by his father (al-Qaim) to wage war against Abu
Yazid, who had revolted against his authority. Abu Yazid Makhlad bin Kaidad
belonged to the sect of Ibadites; he made an outward show of rigid devotion,
but was in reality an enemy of God; he never rode but on an ass, nor wore any
dress but woollen.'
The first task of al-Mansur was to relieve Susa. He himself
commanded the forces and inflicted a severe defeat on Abu Yazid, and drove him
back to Kairwan, then he went to Sabta. Al-Mansur reached Kairwan and helped
the suffered people. Al-Mansur had been warmly received in Kairwan, and he also
personally conducted a close chase, defeating Abu Yazid near Tubna and then
around Masila. In 336/947, al-Mansur assisted by his general Ziri bin Manad,
inflicted a final defeat on the Khariji Berbers in the mountains of Kiyana,
where the rebels had entrenched themselves in a fortress, called Qalat Bani
Hammad. According to Ibn Khallikan (1st Vol., p. 219), Abu Jafar al-Marwaruzi
narrates the following anecdote: 'I went forth with al-Mansur on the day he
defeated Abu Yazid, and as l accompanied him, he dropped from time to time one
of the lances which he bore in his hand; so I picked it up and wiped it, and
gave it to him, pronouncing it to be a good omen, and quoting to him the
following verse:
`She threw away her staff, and a distant land became the
place of her abode; (yet, she felt) as the traveller on his return, when his
eyes are delighted (by the sight of home)'
On which, al-Mansur replied: 'Why did you not quote what is
better and truer than that: `And We spoke by revelation to Moses, saying,
`throw down thy rod'. And behold, it swallowed up that which they had caused
falsely to appear. Wherefore the truth was confirmed, and that which they had
wrought vanished. And they were overcome there, and were rendered contemptible'
(7:114-116). To this I said: 'O, my Lord! you, who are the son of God's
Apostle, utter that knowledge of which you are the sole possessor.'
Abu Yazid was suppressed and taken prisoner, but was died of
his wounds. Jafar bin Mansur (d. 365/975) is the contemporary authority, who
had also composed few poems about the revolt of Abu Yazid and the marvellous
actions of al-Mansur. Ibn Athir (7th vol., p. 171) tells us that, 'Al-Mansur
personally took charge of the military operations and put an end to Abu Yazid's
menace. Had al-Mansur failed in checking this menace, it is probable that the
Fatimid empire would not have survived long. With all this, al-Mansur behave
generously with his implacable foe. He came to Kairwan in 334/945 and gave
protection to the family of Abu Yazid who had despaired of life. He even
granted his wives and children monthly allowances. He also granted Abu Yazid's
request to restore his wives and children to him on condition that he would not
wage war. But Abu Yazid soon broke his promise and tried to launch another
insurrection.'
Fazal, the son of Abu Yazid continued the revolt in the
Awras for a few months until he, too, was subdued and was brought to Mahdiya by
Batit bin Ya'la bin Batit in 336/948. Other sons of Abu Yazid fled to Spain and
took refuge under the Umayyads. The rebellion of Abu Yazid, however, had sucked
away the resources of the state, forcing the Fatimids to pay a heavy price.
'The failure of Abu Yazid's rising,' writes H.U. Rahman in
'A Chronology of Islamic History' (London, 1989, p. 153), 'left the Fatimids
far stronger than before and with a much firmer grip on the rein.'
When al-Mansur was subduing Abu Yazid's revolt, a report
reached to him about a petty uprising of Hamid Bazaltain, the chief of the
Maghrib, who had laid a siege over Tahrat soon after announcing his loyalty
with the Umayyads of Spain. After crushing the revolt of Abu Yazid, al-Mansur
focused his attention at the new rising, and himself commanded his army. He
inflicted a defeat to Hamid and appointed Yala bin Muhammad, the chief of Banu
Ifran in Maghrib.
Ismaili History 528 - The Kalbids in Sicily
Al-Mansur was unable to pay attention towards Sicily during
the revolt of Abu Yazid, where Ibn Ataf was an inefficient governor. Taking
advantage of his weakness, the Byzantines stopped the payment of the tribute to
the Fatimids. In the meantime, the inhabitants of Sicily also rose against Ibn
Ataf, who hid himself in the old castle of Palermo. Confronted by the chaotic
situation caused by the rebellious at Palermo and Agrigento in Sicily against
the Fatimid amirs, al-Mansur deemed it logical and sensible to entrust Sicily's
administration to those whose fidelity was proven beyond doubt, and who,
moreover, could maintain a neutral stand, therefore, al-Mansur appointed Hasan
bin Ali al-Kalbi as the governor of Sicily in 336/946.
Hasan bin Ali al-Kalbi belonged to an influential Kalbid
family, stemming from the tribe of Kalab bin Wabara of Banu Abil Hussain. Under
the Aghlabids rule, the Kalabid family began to decline from public notice, but
they became the main prop and stay during the Fatimids period, and swiftly
found a milieu favourable to their rise, and became a governing element of
Muslim Sicily by the middle of the 4th/10th century. Ali bin Ali al-Kalbi, one
of the first dynasts of the family and son-in-law of Salim bin Abi Rashid, the
then Fatimid governor of Sicily, from 305/917 to 325/936, died at the siege of
Agrigento in 326/938. His son Hasan bin Ali al-Kalbi, who had distinguished
himself in the campaigns waged by Imam al-Qaim and Imam al-Mansur against Abu
Yazid, was the first of a succession of Kalbid governors in Sicily, a kind of
hereditary emirate under the Fatimids which lasted until the middle of 5th/11th
century.
In Sicily, Hasan bin Ali al-Kalbi finished the internal
uprisings and restored peace. He also solidified his army, forcing the
Byzantine emperor to resume the payment of the tribute to the Fatimids. On
al-Mansur's death in 341/952, Hasan bin Ali returned to Mansuria, leaving
behind the government of the island in the hands of his son, Ahmad bin Hasan
(342-358/953-969), the second Kalbid governor of Sicily.
The new Fatimid policy led to the origination of the
semi-independent dynasty of the Kalbids, which ruled over Sicily for almost a
century on behalf of the Fatimids, having considerable autonomy. Hasan, called
al-Samsan (431-445/1040-1053) was the last Kalbid governor of Sicily. The
Norman Count Roger captured Messina in 1060, and Palermo, the capital of the
island fell to them in 1072. The Normans also occupied Syracuse in 1085 and by
1091 the whole of the island came to the possession of the Normans. That was
the end of the Muslim rule in Sicily.
The Kalbid era was one of the most prosperous periods in the
history of Muslim Sicily. The island developed vital trade and played an
important role in the transmission of Islamic culture into Europe. In Sicily,
the schools, colleges, mosques and hospitals were also built, the agriculture
was promoted and the new industries were set up. It is interesting to note that
the medical institution of Palermo was far better than that of Baghdad and
Cordova. According to 'Encyclopaedia of World Art' (Rome, 1958, 12th vol., p.
459), 'The oldest examples of silk weaving are from southern Italy,
particularly Sicily, where the first looms were probably put into operation by
the Saracens in the 9th century.'
The Fatimid art had certainly influenced the Italians
through Sicily, and left behind many traces. A number of important pieces of
gold and silver works, scattered in south Italy belonged to the Fatimids. The
products of this workshop are characterized by a special technique of filigree
work arranged in spirals or in vermiculated designs and by simply encased
ornamented enamels in Fatimid style. According to 'Encyclopaedia of World Art'
(Rome, 1958, 12th vol., p. 459), 'The influence of Fatimid art is seen in the
two lions, each devouring a camel, that entirely cover the mantle of Roger II
(1095-1154) almost as if it were half of an enormous orb. The lions are
separated by a very stylized palmette. Also Fatimids are the palmettes
decorating the edges of the sleeves and the hem of the dalmatic. To this were
added the clearly Islamic motif of ornamental scripts - in this case, Naskhi
letters, which flow elegantly to form a border.'
It may be noted that the magnetic instrument indicating the
direction was known as qutb-numa (mariner compass), which came to be used by
the navigators of the Mediterranean Sea, from Sicily to Alexandria for the
first time. Idrisi (494-548/1100-1154), who compiled his geographical treatise
in Sicily, however, is reported to have made an earliest description of the
mariner compass. The Egyptians called it samia, because their terms were
separate from those of the navigators of the high sea. It is beyond doubt that
the Europeans were indebted to the Muslims for the mariner compass, which, they
knew most probably after 5th century.
Ismaili History 529 - Expedition against the French
In 340/951, al-Mansur was reported that the emperor
Constantine VII (913-959) of France was about to invade the Fatimid
territories, thus a naval forces was dispatched under Faraj Saqali. Hasan bin
Ali al-Kalbi, the governor of Sicly and Faraj jointly invaded Kaloria and
defeated the French forces. The French emperor was obliged to send tributes and
a peace-negotiating embassy to the Fatimid court. On their way back to Maghrib,
the Fatimid naval forces conquered Reggio and built there a mosque, the ruins
of which have been unearthed recently.
In 335/947, al-Mansur ordered yet another new capital built
a short distance southwest of Kairwan, called Mansuria. It served a new Fatimid
capital after Mahdiya.
Al-Mansur died in 341/952. F.Dachraoui writes in
'Encyclopaedia of Islam' (1990. 6th vol., p. 434) that, 'Mansur's personality
shines with an unparalleled brilliance under the pens of the Ismaili authors,
who, as also the Sunni chroniclers, show great wander in relating his exalted
deeds and who dwell at length on giving accounts of the battles, rebellions and
other bloody events. According to their accounts, he possessed only good
qualities: he was generous and benevolent, level-headed and perspicacious, above
all possessing a brilliant eloquence; since his youth, he had devoted himself
to piety and study, and was deeply conscious of his high calling as impeccable
Imam and of his grandeur as a monarch.'
Ismaili History 530 - AL-MUIZZ (341-365/952-975)
His name was Ma'd, and kunya was Abu Tamim, surnamed
al-Muizz li-din'allah (Fortifier of the religion of God). He was born in
Mahdiya in 319/931 when Imam al-Mahdi was alive, who had predicted that
al-Muizz would be man of great glory. He was very intelligent from his infancy.
Qadi Noman writes in 'al-Majalis wa'l Musayarat' (2nd vol., pp. 616-617) that
al-Muizz recalled his infancy that: 'I am reminiscing about the day I was a
small child. The day I was taken into his (al-Mahdi) presence, I had been
weaned and I could understand and remember that what happened. He reached for
me and kissed me and took me into his robe. He seated me by his side and
ordered something for me to eat. A gold and silver platter was brought,
containing apples, grapes etc. He put it before me. I did not eat anything from
it. He then took it and gave it to me and said: 'Go and eat what is in it and
give the platter to such and such woman.' I told him: 'No, I will keep the
platter and give the fruits to her.' (Al-Mahdi) laughed and wondered at my
perception. He prayed for me and said: 'You will have a glorious future.'
Al-Muizz ascended in 341/952, and his Caliphate is noted for
the extension of the Fatimid domination from Maghrib to Egypt and Syria. His
Caliphate is also acclaimed for the progress of learning and arts. He himself
was a learned philosopher, scientist and astronomist. His court always remained
full of jurists, traditionists, poets and historians. The heart of al-Muizz was
set on the conquest of Egypt, the great dream ever present before his father
and grandfather, which seemed now coming within the bounds of possibility.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ismaili History 531 - War with the Byzantines
In 345/956, the Fatimid naval fleet inflicted a major defeat
on the Byzantines in Italy, following several minor entanglements and forcing
the emperor Constantine VII (913-959) to pay tribute and send a
peace-negotiating embassy to al-Muizz in 346/957. In 351/962, Ahmad bin Hasan,
the second Kalbid governor of Sicily had staged war against the eastern part of
the island and captured Taormina, whose name was changed to al-Muizzia in
honour of Imam al-Muizz. In 354/964, following the accession of the emperor
Nicephorus II Phocas (963- 969), who had delibrately stopped the customary
tribute to the Fatimids, the Byzantines were severely defeated on land and sea
by the joint Fatimid and Kalbid forces, and occupied Rametta, the last ashes of
the Byzantium; and the simultaneous victory at sea known as the wak'at al-majaz
(battle of the straits), which is celebrated in a turgid qasida of Ibn Hani (d.
362/973), vide his 'Diwan' (Cairo, 1271 A.H., no. 40, pp. 540-59). In 356/967,
a peace treaty was concluded between the Fatimids and the Byzantines, and accordingly,
the Muslims sought the right to impose jaziya on the Christian inhabitants of
Sicily. This defeat of the Byzantines was indeed celebrated with pomp through
out the Islamic world.
Ismaili History 532 - Jawhar as-Siquilli
Abul Hasan Jawhar bin Abdullah traced his origin from his
country of birth, Sicily in Italy. Imam al-Muizz had given him the kunya of
Abul Hasan, and was also called al-Katib (secretary) and al- Qaid (general). He
was born most probably between 298/911 and 300/913 in Sicily, the then island
under occupation of the Byzantines, and died most probably in 381/992.
During the period of Imam al-Mansur, Jawhar was brought as a
slave to Kairwan and was presented before the Imam. Realizing his potential, he
was made as a personal attendant of Imam al-Mansur, and soon rose to
prominence. In 341/932, al-Muizz appointed him as his Katib and since then, he
became known as Jawhar al-Katib. In 347/958, he was made the commander-in-chief
of the Fatimid forces, and was assigned to subdue the remaining parts of the
Maghrib. In 347/958, Jawhar led the Fatimid forces westwards and defeated near
Tahrat, a large army of the Zanata Berbers commanded by Yala bin Muhammad, the
chief of the Banu Ifran, and an ally of the Umayyads of Spain, who had rebelled
against the Fatimids. Yala, who ruled the central Maghrib from Tahrat to
Tangier was killed and thus the Ifranid influence in the central Maghrib came
to an end.
He further proceeded towards Sijilmasa, then ruled by the
Midrar tribe and killed its chief, Muhammad bin al-Fath in a fierce fighting.
Jawhar marched against Fas after spending a year in the eastern Morocco. In
349/960, he beseiged the strongest fortress of the Umayyads. He took possession
of Fas and arrested its Umayyad governor. Jawhar proceeded towards the far
west, and continued conquering one after another city till he reached the
Atlantic ocean. He ordered some fish to be put in a pot with water, and sent it
to al-Muizz to let him know symbolically that whichever cities he had crossed,
he conquered them as far as the Atlantic ocean.
Ismaili History 533 - Conquest of Egypt
We have heretofore noticed that the Fatimid attempt to
conquer Egypt began early in their reign. Al-Muizz, however, with a
comprehensive and more cautious policy in the Mediterranean and the Muslim
world, was able to succeed where his predecessors failed. Having completely
subjected the Maghrib to his control, he was able to rally the Katama tribe
under the capable leadership of Jawhar for impending expedition against Egypt.Egypt
was under the rule of the Ikhshids from 323/935 to 358/969 before the advent of
the Fatimids. It was a Turkish dynasty under the Abbasid suzerainty. Muhammad
Ikhshid, the founder of the rule, died in 355/966 and his two minor sons, Abu
Kassim and Ali ruled after him in succession as the nominal rulers, and the
virtual authority was held by an Abyssinian, called Abul Misk Kafur (camphor,
the father of musk). He was an able governor, and died in 357/968 after ruling
for 22 years. Kafur's death left Egypt in a state of confusion. It was a time
of acute disorders and anarchy. Famine broke out as a result of scarcity of
water in Nile and it was also followed by plague. The soldiers had their pay
diminished, their gratuities were in arrear. The whole administration failed to
relieve the people from distress due to lack of capable governor.
Kafur was succeeded by a twelve years old Abul Fawaris
Ahmad. Under his rule, there had started an animosity between the vizir Abu
Jafar bin Furat and Yaqub bin Killis, the treasurer. Yaqub was imprisoned, but
was relieved soon by the intervention of Sharif Muslim al- Hussain, a great
grandson of Imam Hussain. Yaqub bin Killis had gone to al-Muizz in Maghrib and
informed the chaotic condition of Egypt. He also requested the Imam to take
possession of Egypt. On the other hand, the Abbasids also neglected Egypt
because of their internal wars. The people of Egypt ultimately knocked the door
of Maghrib and wrote several letters to al-Muizz, inviting him to get rid of
calamities. Al-Muizz confessed the offer and ordered for the preparation of
large army to conquer Egypt. According to Ibn Khallikan (5th vol., p. 226),
'The preparations for expedition against Egypt are a fair witness to the
efficiency of the Fatimid logistics.' Four months provisions were patiently
amassed at the Qasr al-Ma, near Mansuria. Wells were dug and rest-houses built
along the route between Tunisia and Egypt in 354/966, about three years before
the invasion.
Al-Muizz determined to entrust the invasion of Egypt to his
general, Jawhar, who had already proved his efficiency in the reduction of the
western provinces, but just about this time, Jawhar fell ill, that no hopes
were entertained of his recovery. In this state, he was visited by al-Muizz,
who according to Ibn Khallikan (1st vol., p. 341) declared that Jawhar would
not only escape from death, but make the conquest of Egypt. The health of
Jawhar was restored soon. Al-Muizz attended with his court to bid him farewell
and according to Makrizi (1st vol., p. 378), he said: 'We are in need of your
bodies and minds. Be it known to you that if you act on what we say, we can
hope that God will ease our attack of the eastern countries, as he did of the
western parts with your cooperation.' He further said, 'By God, if Jawhar goes
alone to conquer Egypt, he will be able to take hold of it. You people will
enter Egypt within remaining in your veils without offense, and will land at
the ruins of the Tulunids, where a city shall be built, whose name shall be
al-Qahira, which shall dominate the world.' (Ibid.)
Thus, al-Muizz made his farewell speech to Jawhar's troops
on the eve of their departure from the Maghrib in which he greatly emphasised
the political and religious policy to be followed in the new dominion. He
admonished his troops that 'justice was the basis of the state, not
oppression.' If this principal were to be observed by all, he thought, the
Katama warriors would eventually conquer the East as easily as they had
conquered the West.
With the conclusion of his khutba, al-Muizz formally ordered
Jawhar to set out, and ordered his princes to dismount and give Jawhar the
salutation of departure; and this also obliged the great officers of the empire
to dismount. Jawhar kissed the hand of al-Muizz, and mounted his horse and put
his army on march.
Jawhar's march started from Kairwan with a huge army on 14th
Rabi I, 357/February 4, 969. Ibn at-Tiqtaqa in his 'al-Fakhri' (comp. 701/1302)
quotes the poet, named Muhammad bin Hani Maghribi (d. 362/973) as follows: 'No
army before the army of Jawhar trotted and walked its charges by files of
tens'. Jawhar's army consisted of Arabs, Saqaliba, Rum and Berber tribes of
whom the Katama was the largest. Ibn Khallikan (5th vol., p. 377) estimated at
more than a hundred thousand men, and Nuwayri (d. 732/1332) writes in 'Nihayat
al-Arab' (ed. M. Jabir A. al-Hini, Cairo, 1984, p. 44) that it was later
augmented by two hundred thousand men. The cost of the expedition is also given
for 24 million dinars. More than a thousand camel loads of gold were also
placed under Jawhar in order to meet extra expenses. With all his forces,
Jawhar reached Barqa, whose governor, Aflah received him with honour. Jawhar
directed his forces towards Alexandria, and conquered it without much
opposition. When the people of Fustat learned the fall of Alexandria, they sent
their deputation, who met Jawhar in a village, called Taruja on Rajab,
358/June, 969. Jawhar promised them for safe-conduct in writing. On 11th
Shaban, 358/June 30, 969, the Fatimid general Jawhar overwhelmed the last
feeble resistance of the Ikhshid forces near Jiza, and entered Fustat by
crossing the Nile. He landed at the ruins of the Tulunid dynasty
(254-292/868-905) on 15th Shaban, 358/July 4, 969 where he was received with
honour.
In the same year, Jawhar dispatched a messenger towards
Maghrib in presence of al-Muizz with the glad tidings that Egypt had fallen to
the Fatimids. Ibn Hani, ready on the spot, recited a qasida which began:-
The Abbasids are saying, 'Has Egypt been conquered?'
So say to them, 'The matter has been decided!'
Jawhar has already passed Alexandria:
The heralds have announced it, and victory is his!
It seems that Jawhar preferred to follow very closely the
policy designed by al-Muizz. In his proclamation (ahd al-aman) to the Egyptian
populace in 358/969, Jawhar outlined a sagacious policy of religious
toleration, reform, justice, tranquillity, security and peace. He was there to
execute Fatimid policy which was aimed at pacifying Egypt in order that it
might serve as a potential centre.
Ismaili History 534 - Building of Cairo
It would be more accurate to describe the site of Fustat as
a low-lying bank consisting of a plain and series of alluvial terraces
stretching as far as the advanced spurs of the Jabal al- Muqattam, known as
Jabal Yashkur. The Greeks named it Babylon, then it was known as Fustat,
founded after the conquest by Amr bin al-Aas in 20/641, in the form of a camp,
to the north of the ancient city. The name Fustat (fistat, fussat or fissat)
means either a 'military tent' or more probably, a 'defensive moat' (Roman
fossaton and Latin fossatum). In 258/872, Ibn Tulun, the chief of Egypt had
built a huge palace at the foot of Jabal al-Muqattam and a great mosque in
261/875.Jawhar encamped his army at the northern plain of Fustat, almost away
from the crowded parts of the city. Prof. Hitti writes in 'Capital Cities of
Arab Islam' (London, 1973, p. 111) that, 'The victor lost no time in laying the
foundation of his new capital. The site he chose excelled that of Baghdad in
the number and importance of its forerunners, and the region around the site
vied with that of the earlier capital.'
On 17th Shaban, 358/July 6, 969, Jawhar drew the lines of
the new city, and on the same night, he laid the foundation of a new city, named
al-Qahira al-Muizia, or al-Qahira (whence Cairo through Italian). It is related
that a lot of about 1200 yards square was marked by poles with ropes extending
from one pole to the other. Mattocks in hand, labourers stood waiting for the
sound of bells strung on the ropes, while the astrologers were busy calculating
the most favourable conjunction of the planets to give the signal for starting
digging. But a raven darted down, perched on the rope, and set the bells
jingling. Down went the diggers mattocks. Mars (qahira al- aflak) was then at
its zenith, therefore, the name of the new city was given al-Qahira, or
al-Qahira al-Muizzia. It should, however, be noted that Masudi (d. 346/958)
tells more or less the same story about the foundation of Alexandria by
Alexander. Still from credible sources, it seems that al-Muizz had designed a
plan of the city before Jawhar's departure and had selected its name as
expressed in his speech.
The new city was built on a rectangular plan. Its width was
about 1200 metres and spread on 340 acres of land, out of which 70 acres were
occupied by the big palace. A large area was reserved for gardens and parks,
and about 200 acres were distributed among the soldiers. The city was strongly
fortified on all sides with iron-gates to protect from the invaders. In its
north was the gate of Nasr, in south the gate of Zwella, in east the gate of
Barqiya and the gate of Mahruk, and on its west were the gates of Saadat, Faraj
and Khokhal.
John J. Pool writes in 'Studies in Mohammedanism' (London,
1892, p. 165) that, 'Cairo, in the time of her real greatness, in the days when
the Fatimites ruled, must have been a capital to be proud of. And not only was
the city famous for her unique situation and grandeur, but she earned renown in
the East, as Cordova did in the West, for her encouragement of learning.' Dr.
T.J. De Boer writes in 'The History of Philosophy in Islam' (New York, 1967,
pp. 5-6) that, 'For a short time Aleppo, the seat of the Hamdanids, and for a
longer time Cairo, built by the Fatimids in the year 969, - have a better claim
to be regarded as the home of intellectual endeavour than Baghdad itself.'
Jawhar ordered that all mention of the Abbasid caliph in the
Friday prayers must be expunged from all official records and the Fatimid
khutba be recited. Ibn Khallikan (1st vol., p. 344) writes that these words
were added in the khutba:- 'O my God, bless Muhammad the chosen, Ali the
accepted, Fatima the pure, and al-Hasan and al-Hussain, the grandsons of the
Apostle, whom Thou hast freed from stain and thoroughly purified. O my God,
bless the pure Imams, ancestors of the Commander of the faithful.' Ibn
Khallikan (1st vol., p. 345) further writes that, 'Jawhar disapproved however
of prayers (of khutba) being made for himself, and said that such was not in
the direction given by his master.' One of Jawhar's first acts in Egypt was to
strike the Fatimid coins, bearing the name of al-Muizz. He sent a sack of coins
to al-Muizz in Mansuria as a symbol of his conquest. It is recounted that al-Muizz's
faithful retainer, Abu Ali Mansur al-Jawdhar al-Azizi (d. 363/974) was near
death due to illness on that time, therefore, al-Muizz sent him some of these
Egyptian coins, and said, 'I hope that God will prolong his life, so that he
may make the pilgrimage with us (towards Egypt).'
The preachers in the mosques were forbidden to wear the
black garment usual under the Abbasids, and were ordered to use white instead.
It was also ordered that every Sunday a court should be held for the inspection
of complaints for hearing of petitions against the officials. Jawhar introduced
financial reforms and accelerated the economical conditions, and the peace and
prosperity were restored very soon in Egypt.
Jawhar's first step after laying down the city wall with four
gates was to start on the two major projects: the Imam's palace and the mosque.
The palace complex occupied the central area of 116,844 square yards. It was
large enough to accomodate the imperial household and servants and to provide
offices for government officials and army officers. In course of time it came
to have 4000 rooms.
Close by the palace rose the mosque, extending to the foot
of Jabal al-Muqattam, named Jam-i Azhar, on 24th Jamada I, 359/April 4, 970,
where a big library and school were erected. Since the title of Fatima, the
daughter of Muhammad and the wife of Ali, was Az-Zohra (the bright) and in her
honour, it was named Al-Azhar, being the masculine form of Az-Zohra. Philip K.
Hitti writes in 'Capital Cities of Arab Islam' (London, 1973, p. 114) that, 'It
took two years (970-972) to build. Its name al-Azhar (the most resplendent)
recalls Ali's wife and Muhammad's daughter, Fatimah al-Zahra.' It was built
with 76 pillars of marble, facing each other. The roof was made of strong wood.
The first service was performed in the mosque on Saturday, the 7th Ramdan,
361/June 22, 971. Makrizi writes in 'Khitat' (2nd vol., p. 273) that the dome
above the arches was decorated with the following inscriptions:-
'In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate;
according to the command for its building, from the servant of Allah, His
governor Abu Tamim Ma'ad, the Imam al-Muizz li din Allah, Amir al-Mominin, for
whom, and his illustrious forefathers and his sons may there be the blessings
of Allah: By the hand of his servant Jawhar, the Secretary, the Siqilli, in the
year 360.'
De Lacy O'Leary writes in 'A Short History of the Fatimid
Khalifate' (London, 1923, pp. 110-11) that, 'In 378/988, the following caliph
al-Aziz, devoted it especially to the learned, and from this it gradually
become the leading university of Islam.' 'Reputed to be one of the world's
oldest universities', writes John L. Esposito in 'Islam, the Straight Path'
(New York, 1991, p. 48), 'al-Azhar has remained an internationally recognized
centre of Islamic learning, training students from all over the Islamic world
and issuing authoritative religious judgements on major issues and questions.'
The students in al-Azhar were called mujawir (learners) and
talib al-ilm (seekers after knowledge). The teachers and professors took pride
in using the modest title khadim al-ilm (servants of knowledge). The
relationship between the teacher and pupil was patriarchal. The students showed
their tutors the great respect, kissed their hands and carried their shoes. An
inspector (nazir) at the head of the al-Azhar was to be chosen from the high
officials of the state, also known as shaikh al-umum, who may be compared to
the Rector of the German universities, and the office of the Rector was called
mashyakha.
When one enters the Jama-i Azhar in Cairo through the door
bab al-muzayyinin, the inscription on this gate will bedevil and attract his
attention. It says: 'Inna' l-a'mala bi'l-niyyati wa-li-kulli mara'in ma nawa'
(verily, actions are judged by their intention and every man has what he has
intended). This saying of the Holy Prophet is considered to be one of the most
important principles of Islam. As such it is mentioned as one of the four basic
doctrines around which Islam revolves (madar al-islam).
Syed Ameer Ali writes in 'The Spirit of Islam' (London,
1955, pp. 336-7) that, 'The Fatimides of Egypt were grand supporters of
learning and science....They established colleges, public libraries, and
scientific institutes, richly furnished with books, mathematical instruments,
to which were attached numerous professors and attendants. Access to, and the
use of, these literary treasures were free to all, and writing materials were
afforded gratis. The Caliphs frequently held learned disputations at which the
professors at these academies appeared, divided according to the different
faculties,-logicians, mathematicians, jurists and physicians, dressed in their
khala, or doctoral mantles. The gowns of the English universities still retain
the original form of the Arabic khala or kaftan.' It must be noted that khala
(robes of honour) generally consisted of a set of clothes: an imama (turban), a
qamis (shirt), taylasan (piece of material worn over the shoulders), a qaba (a
kind of sleeved, close-fitting coat) or a durra'a (a loose outer garment).
While, the kaftan was regarded as a characteristic dress of the Turks. It was a
kind of sleeved, close-fitting coat, generally reaching the middle of the calf,
divided down the front and made to overlap over the chest.
It must be known that the first university was founded in
Europe on 1150 at Paris, whose grade of university was declared in 1208. The
Oxford was founded in 1168 and the Cambridge in 1231, therefore, al-Azhar
University, no doubt, is the first oldest University in the world. In July,
1969 more than 4,000,000 people crowded into its 83 square miles in Cairo to
celebrate its thousandth anniversary with pomp and jubiliation.
Ismaili History 535 - Al-Muizz in Egypt
Jawhar also conquered Syria, and then he invited his master,
al-Muizz in Egypt. After making necessary appointments in Maghrib, al-Muizz
departed from Mansuria on 21st Shawal, 361/August 15, 972 with his family and
notable persons. His caravan reached Alexandria on 23rd Shaban, 362/May 29,
973. Abu Tahir Muhammad bin Ahmad, the qadi of Egypt, accompanied by the chief
men, offered al-Muizz their salutations. Ibn Khallikan (3rd vol., p. 379)
writes that, 'He (al-Muizz) held a sitting near the light-house, in order to
receive them and, addressing to them a long speech, he said that he had come to
Egypt, not for the purpose of augmenting his dominions and his wealth, but of
maintaining the true faith, protecting pilgrims and making war against the
infidels. He declared his resolution to close his life in the exercise of good
works and to act in conformity with the orders he had received from his
ancestor, the Prophet Muhammad. He then preached to them and made a long
exhortation which drew tears from some of those who were present; after which,
he arrayed the qadi and other persons of the assembly in robes of honour, made
each of them a present of a horse, ready harnessed, and dismissed them.'
Towards the end of the month of Shaban, al-Muizz left Alexandria and, on
Saturday, the 2nd Ramdan, 363/June 6, 973, he stopped at Mina, the wharf of
Egypt. He was warmly greeted by Jawhar in Jazira. Al-Muizz entered Qahira, or
Cairo, henceforward, it became the capital of the Fatimids. Ibn Khallikan (3rd
vol., p. 380) writes that, 'On arriving at Cairo, he went to the castle and
entered a hall of audience where he fell prostrate in adoration of Almighty
God. He then said a prayer of two rakats (i.e., the genuflections of prayer).'
Jawhar continued to govern Egypt with absolute power till
the arrival of his master; he preserved his high rank, dignity and authority
till 364/974. He however continued in the government of Egypt for 4 years and
20 days.
The capital was placarded with al-Muizz's name and the
praises of Ali. He was acclaimed by the people, who crowded to his first public
audience. He was presented precious gifts by the prominent noblemen, in which
the present offered by Jawhar was splendid and eye- catching. Stanley Lane
Poole writes in 'History of Egypt' (London, 1914, p. 98) that, 'It includes 500
horses with saddles and bridles encrusted with gold, amber and precious stones;
tents of silk and cloth of gold, borne on Bactrian camels; dromedaries, mules,
and camels of burden; filigree coffers full of gold and silver vessels;
gold-mounted swords; caskets of chased silver containing precious stones; a
turban set with jewels, and 900 boxes filled with samples of all the goods that
Egypt produced.'
The reign of al-Muizz was one of the most glorious ever
recorded in Egyptian history. He displayed judgement and justice in the
management of his mixed subjects. He did not allow his troops to interfere with
the people. He was well disposed towards the Copts. His land revenue reforms
were highly admired, which he was ably assisted by his vizir Yaqub bin Killis.
Al-Muizz divided the provinces into districts and were placed under capable
officers. The army was organized with a standing force and a militia to be
summoned in times of war. A naval fleet was also organized to protect the
coastal trade and commerce from pirates. Makrizi writes in 'al-Khitat' (1st
vol., p. 444) that, 'The Franks were employed as craftsmen, making weapons for
the navy and other services in Cairo.' The Fatimids built a big dockyard (dar
al-sina'a) at Alexandria and Damietta, inside the country on the Nile at Maks
near Cairo and Aydhab near Sanga on the Red Sea opposite to Jeddah. The Arabic
word dar al-sina'a for a dockyard is still current in the European languages as
arzenale or arsenale in Italian and arsenal in Spanish, French and English. In
the dockyard, more than 600 ships were built - the largest fleet that Egypt had
ever seen since the Arab conquests. The commander of the naval force was called
Amir al-Bahr (the chief of the sea), which came to be used in the European
languages, such as Amiralh (Portuguese), Amiral (French) and Admiral (English).
One of the wonders of Alexandria was the erection of
lighthouse in the shape of a towering minaret, near the shore at dangerous
zone, measuring 175 hands. On the minaret were fire pans, in which a fire was kindled
when the watchman saw the ships at a distance.
'Egypt under the Fatimids' writes H.U. Rahman in 'A
Chronology of Islamic History' (London, 1989, p. 160), 'enjoyed an era of great
prosperity; trade with India, Italy, the western Mediterranean and even, at
times, with the Byzantine empire flourished. The tolerant attitude of the
regime created great intellectual vitality in the country.'
It must be known on this juncture that Jawdhar (d. 363/974)
was a very faithful servant of al-Muizz and never involved himself in any sort
of achievement in Egypt. The Dar al-Tiraz (state textile factory), for
instance, producing reed mats and inscribed prayer rugs as well as articles of
clothing continued to flourish under al-Muizz. In 354/965, al-Muizz ordered
Jawdhar to have a prayer rug made. The weavers included in it not only the text
the Imam wished to have, but also the usual reference to Jawdhar: 'from among
the works made under the supervision of Jawdhar, client of the Commander of the
Believers.' When Jawdhar saw his name embroidered in gold thread, he was
mortified, supposing that the Imam might think him guilty of
self-aggrandizement. Al-Muizz, however, praised the rug as being of 'extreme
beauty and perfect manufacture,' and paid no attention to the inscription.
One of the most interesting products of the Fatimid
workshops of this period must have been a 'map of the world' woven in blue
tustari qurqubi silk on which the climate, mountains, seas, cities, rivers and
roads of the earth were shown. Included was a clear representation of Mecca and
Medina. Every feature on it was identified in gold and silver, or silk writing.
Across the bottom, the legend read: 'Among the things ordered by al-Muizz
li-din Allah, longing for the Sanctuary of God (Mecca), and proclaiming the
landmarks of His messenger, in the year 353/964.' It is reported to have cost
twenty-two thousand dinars to make, vide Makrizi's 'al-Khitat' (1st vol., p.
417).
The Fatimid Caliphs combined both, the religious as well as
secular powers in their persons, and were more respected than the Umayyad or
Abbasid caliphs. The Caliphs wore a religious halo. Hussain Ibrahim Hasan and
Taha Ahmad Sharf write in 'al-Muizz li-din'allah Maktaba al-Mahda al-Miriyya'
(Cairo, 1947, p. 139) that, 'The personality of al-Muizz was clothed in the
clean robes of holiness and majesty. The Fatimid Caliph was not, like his
Umayyad and Abbasid rivals, a tyrant in running the affairs of the state.
Neither was al-Muizz over-indulgent about pleasures. His subjects and helpers held
him in high esteem as he belonged to the progeny of the Prophet.' According to
Theodore Noldeke in 'Sketches from Eastern History' (Beirut, 1963, p. 90),
'After their conquest of Egypt, the Fatimids were the most powerful princes of
Islam, and it seemed at times as if even the form of power had passed from the
Abbasids. The Fatimids, moreover, governed excellently as a rule, and brought
Egypt to a high peak of prosperity.'
One of the greatest figures in this period was the physician
- therapist, called Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Sa'id al-Tamimi, who hailed from
Palestine. He went down to Egypt in 360/970 and practised medicine at Cairo.
Soon afterwards, his fame began to spread and was welcome at the Fatimid court.
He compiled several medico-pharmaceutical books. His best extant work is
'al-Murshid ila Jawahir al- Aghdhiya wa quwa al-Mufradat min al-Adwiya' on drug
origins and properties including mineral and botanical simples. He mentions the
use of finely powdered white sulphur in the manufacture of safety maches - an
interesting reference to its wide use at the time - made from sulphur found in
abundance in the Dead Sea area. This is over five centuries before the German
scientist, Georgius Agricola (1494-1555), known as the father of mineralogy,
mentions sulphur matches (sufuratis ellyehniis) for use with flint and steel.
Sami Hamarneh writes in 'Medicine and Pharmacy under the Fatimids' (cf.
'Ismaili Contribution to Islamic Culture' ed. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Tehran,
1977, p. 182) that, 'It seems therefore appropriate to state that the
manufacture of safe sulphur matches was propagated and utilized early in the
Islamic civilization centuries before it was used in Europe.'
Mention should also be made of the old Egyptian mummies. The
Arabic word mumiyah (Persian, mumiya'i) means bitumen or a mineral tar, whose
earliest indisputable evidence dates from about 2600 B.C. It is interesting to
note that Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Sa'id al-Tamimi seems to be an earliest
reporter about these mummies in detail in his above work. He thought that the
origin of the North African mummywax (mum or mumia) is the sea which throws it
to its shores. He recalls, 'Abul Hasan al-Basri (al-Haytham) informed me that a
large piece of it was thrown on the sea-shore near Katama (Tunisia) during the
reign of Caliph al-Muizz. At a first glance, it was thought to be an ambergris
(a grey substance from sperm whale's intestines). This piece was presented to
the Caliph's treasry. Upon testing it, it was found dry and brittle and of the
same texture as the old mummies found in the graves of the ancient Egyptians.'
Tamimi further adds, 'This suggested to me that during the time of the ancient
Egyptian pharaohs and nobles, as a part of honouring their dead and preserving
their corpses with normal bone structure against decay, they employed skilled
people to do the embalming. They took the viscera from abdomen and bowls as
well as the brain and their internal liquids and filled in their places with
this already heated and melted mummia. Then they left it to solidify, joining
the ribs and the spinal vertebra tightly together. In addition they anointed
the outer skin for its preservation before laying the corpses in tombs dug in
the rock with cover inscribed within and without with their full life histories.
Thus they are well kept from deterioration in their burial places for good. The
grave diggers in our time find great amounts of this mumia sticking to the
bones and ribs of corpses. They removed it to sell. But I do not approve of its
therapeutic use by our people.'
Another notable person of this period was Musa bin Ali'azar
al-Israili, the author of a book on the culinary art, which he dedicted to Imam
al-Muizz, entitled 'al-Kitab al-Muizzi.' He compiled another, on the therapy of
coughing and chest ailments and a third, a formulary, all of which are not
accessible.
Ismaili History 536 - Qadi Noman
Qadi Abu Hanifah an-Noman bin Abi Abdullah Muhammad bin
Mansur bin Ahmad bin Hayyun at-Tamimi was a renowned Ismaili jurist in the
Fatimid court. He espoused Ismaili faith early in life at Kairwan. His
association with the Fatimids however began with his entry into the services of
Imam al-Mahdi since 313/925. During the period of Imam al-Qaim, he concentrated
mainly in the study of history, philosophy and jurisprudence and composed
numerous works. Prior to the death of Imam al-Qaim in 334/945, he was appointed
as a qadi. His status was further promoted during the time of Imam al-Mansur
when he was granted the rank of Chief Qadi (Qadi'l-qudat). He however reached
his zenith in the time of al-Muizz. Qadi Noman was greatly impressed by
al-Muizz's appearance and writes that he was struck by 'the refulgence of the
Imamate from his countenance.'
When al-Muizz ascended, Qadi Noman had felt his post
dwindled and wrote a letter to the Imam about it. He got Imam's reply, which he
had quoted in his 'al-Majalis wal Musayarat.' It reads: 'O, Noman, may God
protect you. I have read your letter. I regret that you are not sure of my
patronage, and are trapped in fear unnecessarily. You have no reason to fear
any adverse change in my attitude towards you. Instead, you should entertain
greater hopes and aspire for a higher position. I know every thing about you.
My well-wishers ought to look upon you as a model. Your friend will envy your
lot and your enemies will feel jealous of you. May God help you and keep you
straight on true path. With regard to the position you occupied with my
predecessor, nothing is hidden from my notice. We, the Imams are the roots and
branches of the same tree. If my father has died physically, the line of
Imamate shall continue for ever. The souls of the Imams are joined like the
hooks of a chain. If your patron has gone, your Imam is present. Thank God and
have a trust upon Him for your affairs. Write to me about your needs, and you
will be given what you want.'
When al-Muizz came to Egypt, he also brought Qadi Noman with
him as his own qadi. He however allowed Qadi Abu Tahir Muhammad bin Ahamad bin
Abdullah to remain as the qadi of Cairo. Abu Tahir, however, always consulted
Qadi Noman and asked him to revise his verdicts. Qadi Noman was not formally
appointed to a higher official position, his rank as a judicial officer was
however superior than that of Abu Tahir.
Qadi Noman was a man of great talent, learning and
accomplishments, diligent as a scholar, prolific as a writer and upright as a
judge. He was the founder and exponent of Ismaili jurisprudence. He died in
363/974 at Cairo and al-Muizz led the funeral prayers. He was a erudite and
versatile author and the name of 44 of his works have survived. Of these 20 are
totally lost, and 18 are wholly, and the rest are preserved in the private
collection
Ismaili History 537 - Jafar bin Mansur al-Yamen
It has been discussed heretofore that Jafar bin Mansur, the
son of Ibn Hawshab was greatly distressed by the internal quarrels in which his
brother, Abul Hasan Mansur played a conspiracy in killing Abdullah bin Abbas
al-Shawiri in Yamen. Jafar bin Mansur was deadly against his brother and went
to Maghrib at the Fatimid court. He reached Maghrib when Imam al-Mahdi had died
in 322/934. He was however well received by Imam al-Qaim and his services were
amply rewarded and was given the charge of mission. He was held in great esteem
for his learning and ability. He also served whole heartedly to Imam al-Mansur
and Imam al-Muizz.
Jafar bin Mansur was first to be invested the title of Bab
al-Abwab by al-Muizz in Cairo, for which a separate mission cell was
constituted. The residential palace of al-Muizz and Jafar was nearby. He always
remained close to the Imam in Maghrib and Egypt as well. He rose to such a
great extent that he had been given superiority over Qadi Noman, which can be
judged from an event that one day, the health of Qadi Noman became impaired,
therefore many visitors excluding Jafar bin Mansur came to see him. When Qadi
Noman recovered, he went to see al-Muizz, who asked him as to who had come to
see him while he was sick. Qadi Noman thereupon complained that many persons
came except Jafar. Al-Muizz got annoyed at him and after a short while, he took
out a book and gave it to Qadi Noman to read. Qadi Noman was highly astonished
at the ability of its author. Al-Muizz asked him to imagine the name of its
author. Qadi Noman said, 'There could be no one else except the Imam himself
who could write so well.' And al-Muizz replied, 'You have mis-judged, for the
book is written by Jafar bin Mansur.' Qadi Noman admitted his mistake with an
apology and went to the house of Jafar to pay his respect.
Jafar bin Mansur was a prolific writer and instituted the
interpretation for the school of Ismaili writings. His main works are twelve,
whose few manuscripts are preserved in the University Library of Leiden.
Suffice it to say that the period of al-Muizz would be barren without the
intellectual, philosophical and mystical achievement of Jafar bin Mansur, who
died in 365/975.
It must be known on this juncture that Abu Ali Mansur
al-Jawdhar al-Azizi was the secretary of Jawhar from 350/961. He continued in
his service until the death of Jawhar, then joined the services of al-Muizz and
then al-Aziz, and died in 363/974. He was a prolific writer and compiled 'Sirat
al-Ustadh Judhar,' containing important biography of Jawhar. It also contains
the decrees (manshur) issued to him from al-Mansur and al-Muizz and the letters
written to them by him. It was edited and published by M. Kamil Hussain and Dr.
M. Abd al- Hadi Shaira from Cairo in 1954.
Abul Fawaris Ahmad bin Yaqub (d. 413/1022) writes in
'Ar-Risala fi'l Imama' (comp. 408/1077) that Imam al-Muizz said in a speech he
delivered on the day of fast-breaking in Cairo that: 'O'people, God has chosen
a Messenger and Imams. He has made them superior and favoured them. He has
accepted them as the guides to His creatures. He sent down His revelation upon
them, and made them speak with His wisdom. They are like luminous stars: if one
of them sets, another one shining, glittering and fully radiant with
illumination. It is out of mercy upon those who are guided and prefer the life
to come to the present life. It is in retribution to him `who cries, lies and
turns his back', and who favours the present life, and in retaliation against
him who deviates from the path of guidance. God accepts from no one his deeds
or his offerings, his admonition or his pursuit, except through them. He must
surrender to their command, and acknowledge their bounty and their Imamate. He
must surrender to them in obedience, follow their guidance and seek mercy from
their part. May God bless them all.'
Writing on the then Islamic empires, Robert Payne observes
in 'The Holy Sword' (London, 1959, pp. 182-3) that, 'There were now three
Muhammadan empires: the Umayyad caliphs ruled over Spain, Iraq and Persia
remained in the hands of the Abbasids and North Africa, Egypt, Syria and Arabia
were in the hands of the Fatimids.'
The Ismaili mission in the period under review also
penetrated to Sind and Hind, where a Fatimid state had been founded by Jaylam
bin Shayban. It was dislodged by the onslaught of the Ghaznavid power in Sind,
but was followed by other major principality of the mission in Mansurah, which
was short-lived. The Ismailism, however, continued to remain a force that grew
stronger in Sind, for it was patronised by the Sumra dynasty. For its detail
account, vide 'Ismaili Rule in Sind and Hind,' Appendix No. III.
Having considerably enhanced the power and territorial
extent of the Fatimid Caliphate, al-Muizz died in 14th Rabi II, 365/December
21, 975 at the age of 44 years, after the Caliphate and Imamate of 23 years and
6 months. He ruled 20 years in Maghrib and 3
Ismaili History 538 - AL-AZIZ (365-386/975-996)
He was born on 14th Muharram, 344/May 10, 955 in Mahdiya.
His name was Nizar Abu Mansur, surnamed al-Aziz bi-lllah (August by the grace
of God). He assumed the Imamate and Caliphate on 14th Rabi II, 365/December 21,
975. He was tall, broad shouldered, with reddish hair and large eyes having a
dark blue colour. He was fond of sports and showed a marked interest in
literature and learning.
It was owing to his generous patronage that the University
of al-Azhar could maintain itself as a unique and distinguished seat of Islamic
learning. He also created an almshouse in it for 35 men. Al-Azhar contained a
huge library. The royal library of al-Aziz itself contained 200,000 rare
manuscripts and an equal number of manuscripts were kept at al-Azhar. It also
contained 2400 illuminated copies of Holy Koran. Later, in 436/1045 a new
catalogue had been prepared in al-Azhar, listing 6500 volumes of astronomy,
architecture and philosophy. When Nasir Khusaro visited Cairo, he had found 317
professors and as many as 9758 students engaged in the study of various
subjects in al-Azhar. Marshall W. Baldwin writes in 'A History of the Crusades'
(London, 1958, p. 102) that, 'The intellectual influences of Ismailism on Islam
was very great indeed. During the heyday of its expansion, the poets,
philosophers, theologians and scholars flocked to the Ismailite centres and
produced works of a high order.'
Al-Aziz was also known for his paternal care of the people
and introduced many financial reforms in the country. He introduced the system
of paying a fixed stipends for services to the official and household servants
and also used to give them robes and mules to ride on. Among his outstanding reforms,
the most significant was that he put down bribery and corruption with a firm
hand in Egypt.
Writing in the year 372/982, the anonymous writer of 'Hudud
al-Alam' (tr. by V. Minorsky, London, 1937, p. 151) describes that, 'Egypt is
the wealthiest country of Islam, and in it lies numerous towns, all prosperous,
flourishing, wealthy, and extremely favoured by nature in many respects. It
produces textiles, handkerchiefs, and robes of various kinds, than which there
are none more precious in the whole world - such as Egyptian woollen goods and
textiles, and handkerchiefs made of dabiqi (silk brocade or linen drapes) and
khazz(tissue of silk and wool). And in this country, good asses are found of
great price. Fustat is the capital of Egypt. It is the wealthiest city in the
world, extremely prosperous and very pleasant. It lies to the east of the river
Nile.'
Ismaili History 539 - Conditions of the Maghrib
It must be remembered that before embarking on his historic
journey from Maghrib to Egypt in 361/972, Imam al-Muizz had appointed Buluggin
bin Ziri, the amir of the Sanhaja tribe, as the governor of Maghrib, and
invested him the honorific name, Abul Futuh Yousuf. He was vested with the
governorship of all the Fatimid dominions in the west, except for Kalbid Sicily
and for Tripoli. Later on, Buluggin moved from Ashir to Kairwan, where he
founded the Zirid dynasty (361-543/972-1148). He was succeeded by his son,
Mansur (373-386/984- 996), who fought with the Katama tribe and began to detach
from the Fatimids. He also expelled the persons from different key posts being
appointed by al-Aziz in Maghrib. It is related that al-Aziz deputed a dai Abul
Fahm Hasan bin Nasr in Maghrib to collect the informations and report him back.
Mansur arrested and put him to death. Al-Aziz however tried to cope with the
situation of the Maghrib very politely. The Zirid ruler Mansur was succeeded by
his son, Badis (386-406/996-1016), who had procured his close ties with Imam
al- Hakim. The fourth Zirid ruler, al-Muizz bin Badis had however renounced the
suzerainty of the Fatimids in 436/1044.
Jawhar conquered Syria in 359/969, making Jafar bin Falah as
a governor. When al-Muizz was in Cairo, a Turkish commander Iftagin, under the
Buwahids defeated the Fatimid governor of Damascus, and started the Abbasid
khutba. Al-Muizz had offered him to come in Cairo, but Iftagin declined it, and
as a result, al-Muizz took field against him, but died at Balbis. Iftagin
sacked Syria, thus al-Aziz sent his general, Jawhar. He besieged Damascus on 22nd
Zilkada, 365/July 22, 976 for two months. Meanwhile, the Qarmatians led by
Hasan al-A'sam came to the help of Iftagin. Jawhar lifted the seige, because
his supplies were running short, and went to Ramla, then returned to Cairo and
reported to al-Aziz. This time al-Aziz himself commanded his forces and
attacked enemies with all his might at Ramla, and forced them to retreat.
Iftagin and Hasan al-A'sam took their heels. Al-Aziz announced a reward for one
lac dinar for capturing Iftagin. Ironically, Iftagin was caught by one of his
friends and brought before al-Aziz. He, keeping with his nature, behaved very
politely with Iftagin, and returned to him all his personal belongings and
included him among his door-keepers (hajib), a high grade in the hierarchy of the
Fatimid court. His behaviour with Iftagin was so remarkable that Iftagin
himself admitted: 'I blush to mount my horse in the presence of our Lord
al-Aziz. I did everything to oppose him, but he did not seek revenge, and I
dare not to look at him because of the gifts and favours with which he
overwhelms me.' The Qarmatian leader, Hasan al-A'sam was forced to flee from
Ramla, and lost his influence in Damascus.
When Iftagin fought with the Fatimid at Ramla, he had left
behind Kassam Sharrab in Damascus. When al-Aziz defeated Iftagin, he sent Fazal
bin Saleh and Suleman bin Jafar Falah, one after another, but none could
capture Damascus. Fazal bin Saleh retreated to Palestine and held a series of
talks with the Hamdanid Abu Taghlib, who had been expelled from Mosul by the
Buwahid Adud ad-Dawla (367-372/978- 983). Abu Taghlib had also failed to occupy
Damascus, therefore, he aspired to obtain at least its governorship from the
Fatimid Imam al-Aziz. Abu Taghlib gave his words to Fazal bin Saleh in the
campaign to conquer Damascus, but the latter had already allied himself with
the Jarrahid leader, Mufraj bin Dagfal bin Jarrah of Palestine. In sum, Mufraj
defeated Abu Taghlib in 369/979 and took possession of the whole territory of
Palestine. His cooperation with Fazal bin Saleh was however short-lived, as he
had shaken his hand with Kassam Sharrab, the chief of Damascus.
In 373/983, Imam al-Aziz sent Balaktagin, a Turkish
commander of the Fatimid forces against these two rebels. He defeated Mufraj
bin Dagfal in Palestine, who managed to flee to Antioch, where he took refuge
with the Byzantines. Thence, Balaktagin proceeded to Damascus and defeated
Kassam, and appointed Akhlaj as a governor, who was followed by Bekjur in
373/983.
Bekjur was a slave of Sa'd ad-Dawla (356-381/967-991), the
Hamdanid chief of Aleppo. When Balaktagin had taken field against Kassam
Sharrab in Damascus, Bekjur had provided necessary provisions to the Fatimid
forces from Aleppo, and therefore, he was made the governor of Damascus after Akhlaj
in appreciation of his aids. In the meantime, Bekjur sought permission from
al-Aziz to conquer Aleppo, and soon afterwards, he besieged Aleppo. Sa'd
ad-Dawla, the chief of Aleppo sought reinforcement from the Byzantine, forcing
Bekjur to lift the siege and retreat to Damascus.
Al-Aziz however retained Bekjur's governorship in Damascus,
but was expelled later in 378/988. He persuaded al-Aziz to assign him with the
command of a new expedition against Aleppo. He however acquired little help
from the local Fatimid forces, but was defeated and killed in 381/991 by Sa'd
ad-Dawla, who was aided as usual by the Byzantines.
Few years later, al-Aziz once again turned his attention to
conquer Aleppo. This time the Fatimid forces besieged Aleppo in 385/995 for
several months at the command of Manjutagin. Meanwhile, the Byzantine emperor
Basil II (975-1025) himself came with a large force to help Sa'd ad-Dawla's
son, Sa'id ad-Dawla (381-392/992-1002) and saved Aleppo from going into Fatimid
hands.
Inspite of political differences between the Fatimids and
the Umayyads of Spain, there had been cultural and commercial transactions
between the two Muslim empires. During al-Aziz's period, the relations between
him and Umayyad caliph al-Hakam II (350-366/961-976) were improved and there
had been diplomatic correspondence between them as is learnt from a letter of
al-Aziz, vide 'Nihayat al-Arab' (p. 58) by Nuwayri (d. 732/1332). Their
relations can also be ascertained from the fact that the Umayyad Prince
Muhammad bin Abdul Malik bin Abdur Rehman al-Nasir composed few verses in
praise of Imam al-Aziz.
Ismaili History 540 - Military reforms
During the Fatimid expansion into Syria, the Fatimids were
confronted with armies superior to their own which was mainly composed of
Berber forces. In the Byzantine and Muslim armies which the Fatimids fought in
Syria, the archers played prominent role. The Katama Berbers in general did not
make use of the bow as a weapon. The absence of archers among the Fatimid ranks
hindered their military performances. The only possible way for al-Aziz to
overcome the military inferiority of his Berber troops was to incorporate
ethnic groups skilled in archery into his army. This policy was inaugurated
following al-Aziz's victory over an anti-Fatimid coalition in Palestine headed
by Iftagin. Thus, the Turks and Iranians were introduced for the first time in
the Fatimid army, who were skilled as mounted archers, while the Berbers were
the horsemen carrying lances and shields.
In Egypt, these new elements were enlisted in the Fatimid
army as professional soldiers and given special accomodation areas in Cairo,
known as harat al-Atrak (barrack of the Turks), and harat al-Daylam (barrack of
the Iranians). This new fighting element sponsored by al-Aziz, grew rapidly and
before long its chiefs were appointed as commanders. In 381/991, the command of
the Fatimid army was given to one of these men, called Manjutagin, with the
title amir al-juyush al-mansura (commander of the victorious armies). He was
charged to put down the disturbances in Syria, strike at the Byzantines in the
north and bring Aleppo under the direct control of the Fatimids.
It must also be known that the Katama Berbers enjoyed
special privileges in the Fatimid army since beginning and were exempted from
taxation. In Egypt, they began to dominate almost in all state affairs and
wielded political influences. They were known in Egypt as Maghriba (the
westeners). In contrast, the Turks and Iranians were called as Mashriqa (the
easterners), who were also a counterpoise against the growing influence of the
Berbers.
In 380/990, al-Aziz also erected an army corp named
al-Azizia. In 385/995, al-Azizia together with other corps, was dispatched to
reinforce the Fatimid contingents in Syria.
Ismaili History 541 - Ismaili mission
The Ismaili dawa was brisk in this period through a network
of the dais. In 385/995, Abul Jabbar Hamdani, the Mutazalite chief Qadi of Ray
(325-415/936-1025) gives a list of the dais, who visited Cairo in his 'Tathbit
Dala'il Nubuwwat' (p. 180) as follows:- Abu Jabala Ibrahim bin Ghassan, Jabir
al-Manufi, Abul Fawaris al-Hasan bin Muhammad al-Mimadhi, Abul Hussain Ahmad
bin Muhammad bin al-Kumayt, Abu Muhammad al-Tabari, Abul Hasan al-Halabi, Abu
Tamim Abul Kassim al-Bukhari, Abul Wafa al-Daylami, Ibn Abi'l Dibs, Khuzayma
bin Abi Khuzayma and Abu Abdullah bin al-Naman. These all dais belonged to
Cairo, Tyre, Acre, Askalan, Damascus, Baghdad and Central Asia. Abul Jabbar
also writes that, 'At the court of the fifth Fatimid Imam al-Aziz, there are
many visitors from Khwarizm and Multan, and other countries, carrying money and
presents.'
It must be known that the initial slip of employing the dais
with officials and regular payment appeared during al-Aziz's reign. Makrizi
writes in 'Khitat' (2nd vol., p. 273) that, 'In 378/988, the vizir Yaqub bin
Killis employed 35 men and provided them with accomodation near the mosque of
al-Azhar. From thence the idea developed and in Imam al-Hakim's period, the
services of the dais became a full time and well remunerated profession.
Ismaili History 542 - Yaqub bin Killis
Abul Faraj Yaqub bin Yousuf, known as Ibn Killis was born in
a reputed Jewish family of Baghdad on 318/930. When he grew young, he came with
his father to Egypt and began his political career at the court of Abul Misk
Kafur. Very soon, he secured key position in the court because of being
intelligent, honest and efficient. He embraced Islam in 357/968 and Kafur too
died in the same year. The new vizir Abu Jafar Furat had imprisoned him in
enmity, but was relieved soon by the intervention of Sharif Muslim al-Hussain.
He finally quitted Egypt and entered into the Fatimid services in Maghrib. Imam
al-Muizz had assigned him the tasks of accelerating the economy of Maghrib,
which he discharged efficiently. He also accompanied Imam al-Muizz to Egypt and
was handed over the administration in 363/974. He was a man of great ability
and is credited with having organised the fiscal and administrative system.
Imam al-Aziz appointed him as Vizir al-Ajall (chief
minister) in 367/977 and became the first Fatimid vizir. Qalqashandi (d.
821/1418) writes in 'Subh al-A'asha' (3rd vol., p. 483) that, 'The first man to
be addressed as vizir during the Fatimid Caliphate was Yaqub bin Killis, the
minister of al-Aziz.' He created different cells for the administration of the
state, and promoted the output of agriculture, reformed trade and stabilized
currency, causing increase of state revenue. In 373/983, he had fallen from his
office because he is said to have ill-treated with one of the court prisoners
of al-Aziz whom the Imam had promised all honours. Thus, al-Aziz penalised him
with the fine of 200,000 dinars and after one year, he was reinstated in the
office.
One can well judged the status of Yaqub bin Killis in the eyes
of the Imam, when he fell seriously ill in 380/991. Al-Aziz visited him and
said, 'O Yaqub! if your recovery is to be gained through spending wealth, then
I am prepared to give away the whole wealth of the state. If your life is saved
by sacrificing any life, I am ready to sacrifice my own son.'
Yaqub bin Killis died in 380/991 and his death was mourned
through out Egypt and all the people assembled in the street leading from the
citadel to his house. His shroud was decorated with 50 pieces of clothes of
which 30 were embroidered with gold threads. Al-Aziz came forth, evidently much
afflicted; he was mounted on a mule, and, contrary to his usual custom when
riding out, no parasol was borne over him. He offered the funeral service over
him; and said, 'O vizir! how long shall I grieve for you.' Ibn Khallikan writes
that hundred of poets composed lamenting stanzas and every poet earned his
reward from al-Aziz. In Cairo, a place was named al-Harat al-Viziria in his
memory.
During the festival of Id al-nahr, the principle celebration
took place at the open praying ground outside Cairo. The Imam used to go there
in a splendid procession to perform prayer and deliver sermon. Upon his return
to the palace, the people were repasted with delicious meals. Makrizi writes in
'Khitat' (2nd vol., p. 220) that, 'Al-Aziz introduced an innovation by building
in Cairo a special house (dar al-fitra), in which meals were served during the
festival of Id al-Fitr.'
The period of al-Aziz on the whole was one of peace and
prosperity. He also patronised scholars and encouraged learning. His generosity
became so popular that the common people were comparatively happier in his
regime. The trade flourished to such extent that the industry of Cairo produced
such a fine cloth that a whole robe could be passed through a finger ring. In
365/976, al-Aziz built the first market in Cairo alongwith the first
bathhouses.
One of the famous persons during al-Aziz's period was Abul
Hussain Ali bin Qadi Noman, who attained a high rank of chief justice (qadi
al-qudat) after the death of Qadi Abu Tahir in 367/977. His appointment was
proclaimed at the summit of the mosque of al-Azhar and Jam- i'l Atiq in Cairo.
He was also assigned with the supervision of cases of inheritance, the mint and
the quality of gold and silver coins. He appointed his brother, Muhammad bin
Noman as his deputy and the qadi of Mediterranean towns of Farama, Tunnis and
Damietta. Qadi Abdul Hussain Ali was a prolific writer, upright as a judge,
talented in Arabic literature and well steeped in poetry. He died on 6th Rajab,
374/December 3, 984 in Cairo, and al-Aziz had offered his funeral prayer.
After the death of Qadi Abul Hussain Ali bin Noman, al-Aziz
wrote to his brother, Abu Abdullah Muhammad to take over the charge of the
office of qadi al-qudat to fill the gap of his brother. In 382/992, Qadi
Abdullah Muhammad had established a juridical office in the old mosque to give
legal opinion according to the Fatimid law. He was also a man of great talent,
skilled in the system of jurisprudence and diligent as a scholar. He died on
4th Safar, 389/January 25, 998 in Cairo. Imam al-Hakim led his funeral prayer.
Joel Carmichael writes in 'The Shaping of the Arabs'
(London, 1969, pp. 242-3) that, 'The Fatimid age was one of great prosperity,
with a thorough awareness of the vital importance of commerce, both
economically and politically, for the extension of Fatimid political influence.
Egyptian trade before the Fatimids had been quite limited in scope, but under
the impulse of the financial administration founded by Ibn Killis whole
plantations and industries were developed in the countryside and Egyptian
products began being exported in quantity, while at the same time an extensive
network of trade relations evolved both with Europe and with India. The
Fatimids, while still based in Tunisia, had had lively trade relations with
southern Europe, and when they got to Egypt their business conncetions with
Italy, especially Pisa, Amalfi and Venice, were resumed and extended. Egyptian
ships and traders, based at two great harbours, Alexandria in Egypt and Tripoli
in Syria, went as far west as Spain. Indeed, the whole of the eastern
Mediterranean was dominated by the ships of the Fatimid regime.'
Hamilton A.R. Gibb writes in 'Studies on the Civilization of
Islam' (Boston, 1962, p. 20) that, 'The significance of the Fatimid movement in
the Islamic Renaissance is not to be measured only by the contributions of its
professed adherents or sympathizers, but by the encouragement which it gave to
intellectual activities of all kinds, even among its political or religious
opponents, and its influence long survived the fall of the Fatimid Caliphate in
1171. It spread a spirit of free enquiry, individuals endeavour, and
interaction of ideas, which expressed itself in the works of almost all the
outstanding writers of Persia and Iraq in the fourth century, and most notably
in Ibn Sina (Avicenna), and found echoes even in Muslim Spain, in spite of the
restrictive tendencies of the orthodox Maliki school and the Almoravid rulers.'
It should be known that a rare pear-shaped ewer made of rock
crystal, bearing a Kufic inscription with the name of al-Aziz, represents one
of the finest achievements of Islamic rock-crystal carvings. It is decorated
with two seated lions confronting a tree of life, which is preserved in the
treasury of St. Mark's in Venice.
It will be interesting to note that Makrizi quotes in his
'Khitat' (1st vol., p. 121) an Egyptian poet, Abdul Wahab bin al-Hajib (d.
387/997) speaking of the two gigantic pyramids in his time in the following
words:-
'Tis as though the country, parched with thirst, had bared
her two towering breasts, invoking God's help; like a woman bereft of her
child. And then the Almighty made her a gift of the Nile, which supplies a copious
draught to her.'
In 375/985, one Muhallabi drew up an itinerary for the
Fatimid Imam al-Aziz which, for the first time, gave accurate information about
the Sudan of which the other geographers of that century knew very little. His
book was named, 'al-Aziz' which he dedicated to al-Aziz, and had become the
main source of Yaqut (d. 626/1229) for the Sudan.
Ibn Taghri Birdi (4th vol., p. 152) writes that al-Aziz had
signed a truce for seven years with the Byzantine emperor in 377/987,
stipulating three terms:- the release of 5000 Muslim prisoners captured by the
Byzantines, the recitation of the Fatimid khutba in the grand mosque of
Constantinople and the supply of the merchandise needed for the Egyptians.
Yaqub bin Killis was followed in rapid succession by six
vizirs. In 380/991, al-Aziz appointed a Copic Christian, Isa bin Nestorius (d.
387/397) as his vizir, and the latter appointed a Jew, Manasseh bin Ibrahim
al-Kazzaz as his deputy in Syria and Palestine. The vizir began to favour the
Christians in Egypt and his deputy to the Jews in Syria and Palestine. When the
Muslims made the complaints, al-Aziz at once dismissed them in 385/995 and
seized 300,000 dinars from Isa bin Nestorious and a large sum from Manesseh bin
Ibrahim.
In 382/992, Abul Darda Muhammad bin al-Musayyib Uqayti (d.
386/996), the governor of Mosul, declared his loyalty to al-Aziz and recited
the Fatimid khutba in Mosul.
In 386/996, al-Aziz had personally set out to command the
Fatimid armies against the joint forces of the Hamdanids of Aleppo and the
Byzantines, but he at once fell ill at Bilbis, the first junction on his route
to Syria. When al-Aziz felt that the shadows of his death were closing upon
him, he summoned Ibn Ammar and Qadi Muhammad bin Noman and declared to them his
son, al-Hakim as his successor. Both are said to have sworn loyalty and
obedience to al-Aziz's command. On 28th Ramdan, 386/October 14, 996, al-Aziz
met sudden death, from a stone in the kidney in the town of Bilbis.
Philip K. Hitti writes in 'Capital Cities of Arab Islam'
(London, 1973, p. 119), 'Before his (al-Aziz) death at the age of forty-one,
his name was cited in the Friday sermons from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, from
southern Yamen to northern Syria, and at least once in northern Iraq.'
According to Sayyid Fayyaz Mahmud in 'Short History of Islam' (Karachi, 1960,
p. 214), 'The Fatimid power reached its peak in the days of the fifth Caliph,
Nizar al-Aziz, whose dominions were greater in area than those of the Abbasid
Caliph of Baghdad. There was inevitably keen rivalry between the two, and no
love was lost between them either, for they divided the Muslim world into two
halves, the Sunni East and the Shiite West of the Fatimids.' Rom Landau writes
in 'Islam and the Arabs' (London, 1958, p. 63) that, 'During the reign of the
fifth Fatimid Caliph, Nizar al-Aziz, the dynasty reached its highest point in
power, prosperity and extent. The development of trade, the building up of
plantations and the encouragement of industry so increased the power of this
dynasty that it was able to exert its influence in Syria, Arabia, much of North
Africa, and, on one occasion, even in Baghdad.' Dr. Amir Hasan Siddiqui writes
in 'Cultural Centres of Islam' (Karachi, 1970, pp. 61-62) that, 'The Caliph
al-Aziz was himself a poet and lover of learning. It was he who made the Azhar
mosque and academy. He also built dwellings for a large number of professors
and students, who were paid salaries and stipends respectively.'
The famous poet, al-Amir Tamim bin al-Muizz (d. 375/985) in
his 'Diwan al-Amir Tamim' (Ms. in the private collection of Dr. Kamil Hussain)
had composed many verses in praise of al-Aziz, whose few examples are given
below:-
'Surely, you are the chosen Caliph by obedience to whom we
become nearer to God.' (p. 23)
'Without al-Aziz, the deputy of God, I would not have dared
to resort to God or seek His help.' (p. 51)
'You alone of the kings of the world have a divine soul in a
mortal body.' (p. 52)
'You are the chosen of God from among all his creatures, and
you are the visible aspect of the majesty of God.' (p. 61)
'You are the God's sign which sheds light among us and you
possess the treasure of knowledge.' (p. 63)
'Those who sin and doubt and commit inequity, you lead in
the path of righteousness.' (Ibid.)
Ismaili History 543 - AL-HAKIM (386-411/996-1021)
He was born on 23rd Rabi I, 375/August 14, 985 in Cairo, and
was the first Fatimid Imam born on Egyptian soil. His name was al-Mansur Abu
Ali, surnamed al-Hakim bi-Amrillah (He who governs by the orders of God). In
383/993, he was however declared as a successor of his father, following the
death of his brother Muhammad. On that occasion, a traditional procession to
al-Azhar was used for a public proclamation in this context. Al-Hakim acceded
the throne in 386/996 at the age of 11 years, 5 months and 6 days.
Ibn Khallikan (3rd vol., p. 525), Ibn Muyassar (p. 51) and
other chroniclers quote Musabbihi as narrating the incident of succession as
related by al-Hakim himself that:- 'My father called be before his death. His
body was naked except for bandages and pieces of cloth. He hugged me and kissed
me and said, `I am grieved about you, O my heart's love.' His eyes were full of
tears, then he said, `Go dear and play, I am all right.' I went out and
occupied myself as children do when they play until God transferred al-Aziz to
Him. Barjawan came to me while I was at the top of a sycamore tree which was in
the yard of the house. He said, `Descend, may God be with you.' I dismounted;
he put the diamond turban on my head, kissed the ground before me and said,
`May peace be upon you, Amir al-mominin, God's mercy and blessings.' He took me
out to the people and they all kissed the ground before me and greeted me as
Caliph.'
Makrizi writes in 'Itti'az' (p. 386) when al-Hakim assumed Imamate
and Caliphate that, 'On the following morning the dignitaries assembled in the
Grand Hall to await the new Caliph. Al-Mansur, wearing the diamond turban,
entered the Hall and walked to the golden throne, the assembly bowing to the
ground meanwhile. They greeted him with the baya as Imam and the title al-Hakim
bi-Amrillah by which he was thereafter known.' Upn the termination of the
ceremony, Qadi Muhammad bin Noman went to the cathedral mosque, led the prayer
and delivered the khutba in the name of al-Hakim bi-Amrillah.
Al-Hakim, however assumed full power of the empire at the
age of fourteen, and thus it does not appear to have affected his early
education. He had a good command of Arabic tongue, and a fine knowledge of
poetry at an early age. Makrizi writes in 'Itti'az' (p. 387) that, 'Al-Hakim
had skillfulness in the knowledge of poetry which no other man had in Egypt. At
his court, the poets would gather to recite their poetry, while he would listen
carefully and ask for the repetition of every verse which held exceptional
meaning. Each of them would receive gifts of money in accordance with the
quality of his works.' He was a mere twelve years of age when he gained this
reputation. The astronomy was also included in his course of studies. Antaki (d.
458/1065) writes in 'Tarikh-i Antaki' (Beirut, 1909, p. 217) that, 'He appears
as a pleasant man with a sense of humour, and often exchanged jokes with those
to whom he spoke in the streets.' Antaki also writes, 'Al-Hakim would
frequently pause in the streets of his capital to exchange greetings or answer
questions from his poor subjects.' (Ibid. p. 200) Marshall Hodgson writes in
'The Venture of Islam' (London, 1974, 2nd vol., p. 26) that, 'Al- Hakim wished,
above all, to be the perfect ruler; widely generous, enforcing strict good
order, and absolutely just to all the people. Personally, he avoided all luxury
and mounted a simple donkey for his excursions.'
Al-Hakim is described as generous and brave by the
chroniclers. His clothes were simple, made chiefly of wool, and chose to ride
on an ass. He disliked diamond turban and wore plain white scarf. His food was
simple, and that too cooked by his mother only. He was an impressive figure,
tall and broad-shouldered with a powerful voice. His large eyes were dark blue
and flecked with deep reddish gold.
Abul Fawaris Ahmad bin Yaqub (d. 413/1022) writes in
'Ar-Risala fi'l Imama' (comp. 408/1077) that Imam al-Hakim delivered his first
speech from the pulpit of a mosque in Cairo on 386/996 and said: 'O'people, surely
God has made us superior by the word of Imamate. He has eternalized it in us,
so that it may last until the day of doom. The one of us receives it from the
other and the son inherits it from the father. This is the bounty of God, He
gives it to whomever He wishes, and God is of bounty abounding.'
Ismaili History 544 - Clash between Maghriba and Mashriqa
The Berbers dominated the Fatimid army, known in Egypt as
Maghriba (the westerners). Al-Aziz had introduced the Turkish and Iranian
soldiers in the army, known as Mashriqa (the easterners), as a counterpoise
against the fast growing influence of the Berbers. Only two days after the
death of Imam al-Aziz, the Maghriba faction in the army began to raise and
stipulated that no one but Ibn Ammar should be the wasita (chief minister). Ibn
Ammar negotiated with them, securing their goodwill in exchange for increased
payment. Al-Hakim capitulated and responded to their demands, and appointed Ibn
Ammar with a title of amin ad-dawla (trustee of the state).
Ibn Ammar intended to establish a purely Berber government
in Egypt. His rule, indeed, was characterized by unmasked favourism of the
Maghriba. Rudhrawari (d. 488/1095) writes that, 'The aim of the Maghriba was to
abolish the institution of the Fatimid Imam and build an empire of their own.
Ibn Ammar's friends advised him to kill al-Hakim. Ibn Ammar, who intended to
follow their advices, but dissuaded later on because al-Hakim was too young and
harmless.' (cf. 'Tajarib al-Umam' by Miskawayh, p. 222). The Berber tribe of
Katama, known as Maghriba appears to have been the centres of this change, as
they considered that they had been the conquerors of Maghrib and of Egypt, and
why should the fruits of this conquest be laid at the feet of an Arab dynasty
in the progeny of Ali. Immediately after his appointment, Ibn Ammar began to
allocate high positions to his supporters. He dismissed the Turkish and Iranian
soldiers, known as the Mashriqa, from the high posts, and restored the power of
the Berbers. He also curtailed the power of Abul Futuh Barjawan, the regent of
the Imam, and confined him as a tutor of al-Hakim in the palace. The chiefs of
Mashriqa thus had been dismissed and some of their supporters were even
executed. Annual allowances to them were stopped, and many of them fled from
Egypt fearing being killed.
On the day when Ibn Ammar was proclaimed wasita, every
Maghriba received 20 dinars, and each was promised an additional 64
dinarsannually. On one occasion, he gave 1500 horses to Katama supporters.
Ismaili History 545 - Downfall of Ibn Ammar
Barjawan allied himself with the Turkish commander called,
Manjutagin, who himself was a great force in Syria. He readily espoused to
Barjawan's faction, and formed an alliance with some of the Bedouin chiefs and
left Damascus at the head of six thousand troops to march towards Egypt. Ibn
Ammar mobilized his troops under the leadership of Suleman bin Falah and
provided him with the large sums of money to be used in diverting the loyalty
of the Bedouin chiefs against Manjutagin. The two armies clashed between Ramla
and Askalan, and after three days of minor encounters, they fought the final
battle. Manjutagin was subdued and taken prisoner and sent captive to Cairo.
The battle resulted in victory for the Maghriba, but impugned a dangerous
problem to the state, a fast growing opposition between the Maghriba and
Mashriqa in Egypt. The defeated Mashriqa arrived in Cairo and threatened Ibn
Ammar's rule, while the majority of Maghribawere in Syria with Suleman bin
Falah. To overcome the problem, Ibn Ammar planned to increase his supporters
and at the same time adopted a moderate line of policy towards Mashriqa, and
pardoned Manjutagin. Suleman bin Falah also followed a similar policy in Syria
and tried to convince its inhabitants that his plans were for peace and
security. He dismissed Jaysh ibn Samsama from the governorship of Tripoli and
replaced him with his own brother Ali.
Thus, Jaysh, a powerful Katama chief, went to Cairo to
revenge himself by attempting to overthrow Ibn Ammar. He made an alliance with
Barjawan and the chiefs of Mashriqa. Barjawan's opportunity to gain power came
with the presence of Jaysh in Egypt. He provoked riots and disturbances in
Cairo and threw the blames on Ibn Ammar and his supporters. Ibn Ammar invited
them to his palace under the pretext to discuss the riots between Berbers and
Turks, but secretly had planned their executions. However, Barjawan, who had
planted many spies in Ibn Ammar's palace, was informed of this and formed a
counterplan. He and his supporters decided to accept the invitation. They
planned to foil the attack by retreating among them, thus exposing Ibn Ammar's
treasonable intentions. Barjawan's plan succeeded and he and his allies
returned to the royal palace, declared Ibn Ammar to be a traitor and prepared
to fight. With as many supporters as he could muster, Ibn Ammar left Cairo and
camped in the desert. Barjawan followed him and in a battle which lasted half a
day, Ibn Ammar was defeated, and fled. By the overthrow of Ibn Ammar in 387/997,
Barjawan assumed the office of wasita (chief minister) after Ibn Ammar had held
office for a little less than eleven months. Barjawan took out al-Hakim in
public to demonstrate his loyalty towards the Fatimids.
Barjawan pardoned Ibn Ammar and granted him the same monthly
allowances and supplies that he had received during the period of Imam al-
Aziz.
Ismaili History 546 - End of Abul Futuh Barjawan
With his accession to power, Abul Futuh Barjawan had to face
a number of problems. He however handled the situation, and endeavoured to get
an end of it, or at least to lessen the rivalry between Maghriba and Mashriqa.
In the appointment of key posts, he tried to create equality which would
satisfy the average persons of both groups. He appointed Ismail bin Fahl
al-Katami, a Maghriba chief as the governor of Tyre and Bushara al-Ikhshidi, a
Mashriqa chief as the governor of Damascus. For the governor generalship of
Syria and the supreme command of the Fatimid forces stationing there, he chose
Jaysh ibn Samsama, a powerful Maghriba chief. He made an efficient Christian,
Fahd bin Ibrahim al-Katib as his personal secretary and invested him the title
of al-Rais (the master).
Barjawan now governed the state with unbounded authority. In
388/998, he gave his friends key posts: Khawad was made the head of the police
in Egypt; Malik as the chief of navy, Maysur as the governor of Tripoli in
Syria; Yamim, his own brother, as the governor of Askalan and Qayd as the chief
of the police department in Cairo. He now began to take major decisions without
Imam's consent. He wanted to make the Imam merely an ornamented figure in the
palace, and bring him out to grace only in the state functions. He treated
al-Hakim, even after his succession to the Caliphate, in the same manner in
which he did previously, overlooking the fact that he was no longer a child. He
treated al-Hakim as helpless child and did not allow him even to ride on
horseback. Makrizi writes in 'Itti'az' (p. 390) that al-Hakim once said,
'Barjawan was extremely ill-mannered. I summoned him one day while we were
riding on horseback. He came, putting his foot on the neck of his horse, and
while I was speaking to him, the sole of his shoe was turned towards my face
and he did not seem to think it was wrong. Incidents like this were so many
that it would take a long time to mention them.' Ibn Muyassar in 'Akhbar
al-Misr' (p. 56) and Makrizi in 'Khitat' (2nd vol., p. 4) consider such
treatment as dictatorship (istibdad), causing al-Hakim's resentment which
resulted his death.
Ibn Qalanisi (p. 51) writes that, 'Abul Fazal Raydan, the
bearer of the royal parasol (mizalla), once said to al-Hakim, `Barjawan is
planning to emulate the career of Malik Kafur (d. 357/968) and purposes to deal
with you as Malik Kafur dealt with Ikhshidi's son by isolating you and
eliminating yourn power. The right thing to do is his immediate murder and
administer your state alone.' Al-Hakim replied, `If this is your opinion and
advice, then I need your help.''
Barjawan was finally slain on 16th Rabi II, 390/March 25,
1000 by Abul Fazal Raydan, who carried out the murder with his associates in a
place called Bustan Duwayrat al-Tin, a garden near the royal palace where
Barjawan was walking with al-Hakim. Barjawan held his office for 2 years, 7
months and 29 days. In terms of wealth and power, Barjawan was typical of the
top echclon of the ruling circles. Ibn Bassam (d. 542/1148) writes in
'al-Dhakhira fi Mahasin al-Jazira' (Cairo, 1945, p. 232) that after the death
of Barjawan, an officer of central treasury found in his house: one hundred
scarves (mandil) of different colours, one hundred another kind of scarves
(sharabiya), one thousand pairs of trousers (sirwal), one Armenian silk
(takka), an uncountable quantity of clothes, jewels, gold, perfumes and
furniture, three hundred thousand dinars, one hundred and fifty horses and
mules in his personal stable, three hundred pack horses and mules and a hundred
and fifty saddles, twenty of which were pure gold.
Henceforward, Imam al-Hakim took over the power into hand at
the age of fourteen years. Barjawan's execution provoked some apprehension
among the people, but al-Hakim skillfully navigated the storm. He went out to
the people and declared: 'I have been informed of an intrigue which Barjawan
made against me, and for that I caused him to be executed.' Makrizi writes in
'Itti'az' (2nd vol., p. 27) that al-Hakim speaking before an assembly next day
of state dignitaries (shuyukh ad-dawla), the leaders of Katama and Turks, said:
'Barjawan was my slave and I employed him. He acted in good faith and I treated
him with favours. He then began to misbehave, so I killed him.' The death of
Barjawan marks the beginning of the second period of al-Hakim's reign.
The period between 390/1000 and 396/1007 was critical because
of famine and economical distress. There was also a general deterioration of
economic and social life between 395/1004 and 411/1021 when most of the royal
decrees (manshur) covering religious and social legislation were issued by
al-Hakim. Vatikiotis writes in 'The Fatimid Theory of State' (Lahore, 1957, pp.
152-3) that, 'Although such legislation may have appeared maniacal to
al-Hakim's contemporaries, it is astounding how modern historians, who could
have conducted a more dispassionate investigation, have accepted such verdict.
His forbidding extravagant spending in entertainments when the Nile was
exceptionally low in 398/1008 and his fight against profiteering from high
prices during the famine crisis are examples of sensible legislation for the
public welfare. For example, his handling of thieves and vagrants was amazing
and probably very effective at the time. A spy system to report thieves to the
'man' inside the 'sphinx' statue is commendable, if that were a way to stop
hooliganism. In the evening, al-Hakim would hold open forum, where the
merchants would report to the 'sphinx' the missing items from their stores. The
latter would, through previous information, deliver the name of the robber.
This seems an interesting and brilliant method of coping with vagrant thieves
rampant in a period of depression. Al-Hakim no doubt understood the
psychological power of miracles and their effect upon the masses.'
Hence, al-Hakim had to take drastic measures by pressure of
circumstances. On account of his extreme measures to meet the challenges, he
became a controversial figure. Historians have held different opinions for him.
Abul Fida, Ibn Athir and Ibn Khallikan depict him as an heretic and wily
tyrant. Prof. Hitti, on the other hand, defends him, and writes in 'The Origins
of the Druze People and Religion' (New York, 1928, p. 27) that, 'The fact that
al-Hakim introduced many reforms regulating weights and measures, fought
immorality with police ordinances .... amidst a hostile milieu indicates that
he was not the kind of maniac or fool whose biography these early writers have
left us.'
It must be noted that Antaki and Ibn al-Sabi's records
discrediting al-Hakim's personality should be treated with a degree of caution
since both historians were aggressive to al-Hakim and lived in distant
countries. Al-Hakim's so called cruelty may have been the result of the
circumstances rather than the acts of a sadist, or were perhaps exaggerated
according to the view of the hostile historians. He ascended when he was still
a child and witnessed fierce struggle and rivalry for power among the high
officials of his state. This may have created a sense of insecurity which led
him to resort to so called cruelty as a tool of maintaining his power. Ibn
al-Futi, who is quoted by Makrizi in 'Itti'az' (p. 411) suggests that,
'al-Hakim's cruelty was both part of his policy to abolish the corruption
resulting from his father's great tolerance, and vengeance against those who
oppose the Islamic law of the state.' In 'The Encyclopaedia of Islam' (Leiden,
1971, 3rd vol., p. 80), M. Canard writes that, 'It cannot, however, be said
that his reign was particularly unfortunate for Egypt.'
Muhammad Abdullah al-Inan writes in his 'al-Hakim
bi-Amrillah wa Asrar al-Dawa al-Fatimiya' (Cairo, 1937, p. 173) that, 'We are
however unable to understand different political enigmas of al-Hakim, but it is
beyond doubt that the ordinances and injunctions he imposed were not against
the Islamic traditions to a little extent. These were also not the result of
the whimsical thoughts, but based on the ordinary reformations of the state,
therefore, the wisdom and strategy motivated behind them can never be ruled
out.' Dozy also writes in the same vein in 'Essai sur l'historire de
I'Islamism' (Leiden, 1879, p. 148) that, 'We fail to know the enigmatic
personality of the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim, therefore, it is not plausible to
draw a conclusion that these were the outcome of whimsical thoughts.'
Ismaili History 547 - Policy towards the wasita
It must be remembered however that the constant struggle for
power between the two elements in the Fatimid's army presented al-Hakim with a
very serious problem. His position was also threatened by the growing influence
of mudabbir ad-dawla (the administrator of state affairs), better known as
wasita (the mediator, executor of the Caliph's orders or chief minister),
simply an intermediary between the Imam and the people. Both Ibn Ammar and
Barjawan had forcefully seized power and became themselves as wasitas, and
misused the office. This was the first crack in the political structure. In the
face of this trend, al-Hakim's attitude towards each successive wasitaduring
the last twenty years of his Caliphate, was well and carefully planned to
control his exercise of power. He did not abolish the institution of wasita,
but restricted its power. Makrizi writes in 'Itti'az' (p. 390) that, 'After the
appointment of al-Hussain bin Jawhar as wasita in 390/1000, he was ordered not
to receive or deal with petitions in his own house or in public streets; those
who had cases of complaints should be told to deliver them to him only at the
office in the palace.' Hussain bin Jawhar together with his secretary, Fahd bin
Ibrahim, would come early to the palace, receive the petitions, study them and
carry them to the Imam for final judgement. Except for Hussain bin Jawhar and
Ali bin Falah, none of the wasita had a military background. None was powerful
tribal chief nor a chief of any element of the army. Most of them were from
poor class. No wasita was allowed to remain in office for a long period. In the
course of his twenty years of rule of al-Hakim, more than fifteen wasita were
employed, some held office for as little as ten days. Severity was the
prominent feature in al-Hakim's attitude towards his wasitas, and the majority
of those who occupied that office were executed. Thus, Ibn Hammad (d. 628/1230)
writes in 'Akhbar al-Muluk Bani Ubayd wa Siyaratihim' (p. 57) that
al-Jarjara'i, a high official who had lost both hands by the command of
al-Hakim, would tell those who remarked upon such treatment that: 'This was a
punishment which I deserved for betraying amir al-mominin's orders.' According
to Marshall Hodgson in 'The Venture of Islam' (London, 1974, 2nd vol., p. 27),
'He was merciless to any of the great who, he thought, took advantage of their
position.'
Historians have generally shown al-Hakim's attitude as a
tyrant and blood-thirsty. Such commitments, however, do not seem to be quite
accurate, and many have been hastily arrayed without a thorough investigation.
P.J. Vatikiotis writes in 'The Fatimid Theory of State'(Lahore, 1957, p. 149),
that, 'These presentations have been hastily arrayed without a genuine
investigation of al-Hakim's reign.' This part of al-Hakim's policy cannot be
described as blood-thirsty or insane.
Al-Hakim was extremely engaged in a deadly struggle of
retaining the Fatimid Caliphate. He was not fighting only the secular
tendencies of political power groups, but also attempting to rally the fast
disintegrating Fatimid ranks in the face of impending danger.
It is a common method which most rulers used to adopt to
silence opposition and prevent threats to their own powers. There is no
evidence suggesting that, at any time, al-Hakim ordered the execution of
someone just for the sake of killing. His bursts of killing, as M.G.S. Hodgson
says in 'al-Darazi and Hamza in the Origin of the Druze Religion' (JAOS, 82,
1962, p. 14), 'were most obviously turned against the great and the proud, the
holders of positions and those ambitious to be such.' There were more precisely
against those from whom al-Hakim anticipated danger or considered a threat to
his power. A comparative study of his attitude towards qadi al-qudat (chief
judge) with the manner in which he treated the wasita and military chiefs
illustrates this point. It was only Qadis who opposed his policy who were
executed; others were treated quite normally. During his entire reign, al-Hakim
employed five persons to that post of Qadi al-qudat. Muhammad bin Noman died in
389/998 and al-Hakim himself led the prayer at his funeral. His successor,
Hussain bin Noman served until 395/1004 when he was executed after being found
guilty of theft. Muhammad bin Yousuf al-Kindi (d. 330/951) writes in 'Kitab
al-Umra wa'l Kitab al-Qudat' (London, 1912, p. 608) that, 'Hussain bin Noman
stole twenty thousand dinars from an orphan whose father entrusted the money to
him. His trial was personally conducted by al-Hakim.' Abdul Aziz bin Noman
succeeded until 399/1008 when he was dismissed, and two years later executed
for opposing al-Hakim and supporting Hussain bin Jawhar. Malik bin Sa'id
al-Fariqi served for 6 years, 9 months and 10 days (399/1008 to 405/1014) and
was executed for opposing al-Hakim's policy for imposing Islamic laws. In
405/1014, al-Hakim appointed Muhammad bin Abi'l Awwam as Qadi al-qudat and
Khatgin as a Dai al-duat, and both remained in office until the end of
al-Hakim's rule because of their loyalty with the rules imposed.
Ismaili History 548 - Jaysh ibn Samasama
Barjawan was able to overcome the chronic problems in Syria,
and appointment of Jaysh ibn Samsama as a governor general and the commander of
the Fatimid forces, indicates a shrewd policy. Jaysh was a powerful Maghriba
leader and was also a popular figure among the Mashriqa. Initially, he had four
major problems to be confronted when he reached Syria: the rebellion in Tyre,
the rebellion of Mufraj bin Dagfal, the unrest in Damascus and the Byzantine
invasions into the Fatimid territory.
Jaysh at first moved into the action to subdue the rebellion
in Tyre, an important port on the Mediterranean coast; whose inhabitants,
supported by the Byzantines, had rose against the Fatimid suzerainty during the
clash between Barjawan and Ibn Ammar. Their leader, a sailor called Ullaqah had
declared Trye an independent, and issued new coinage with the slogan, 'Dignity
and plenty instead of humility and poverty. Amir Ullaqah' (uzzun ba'da faqah
al-amir Ullaqah). Jaysh appointed Abu Abdullah al-Hussain and Ibn Nasir
ad-Dawla al- Hamdani to lead the expedition against Trye, and himself stayed
with the rest of the forces in Palestine, preparing another expedition against
Mufraj bin Dagfal. He also ordered the governors of Tripoli and Sidon to join
together with their warships in the forthcoming fighting against Tyre. In the
ensuing battle, the Fatimid forces ravaged the Byzantine ships, and at length,
Tyre fell before the onslaught of the Fatimid forces. The Fatimid troops
entered the city and declared immunity (aman) and safe-conduct for all who remained
in their homes. Ullaqah was arrested and sent to Cairo.
After suppression of rebellion in Tyre, Jaysh proceeded
towards Palestine, where Mufraj bin Dagfal was plundering the towns and
attacking the pilgrim caravans. When confronted with the big army of Jaysh,
Mufraj capitulated and sent a delegation, asking for safe- conduct and promised
to advance his loyalty to the Fatimids. Jaysh, who was pressed by more serious
problems in northern Syria, accepted the offer of Mufraj and pardoned him, and
withdrew his army to the north.
Jaysh thence advanced towards Damascus, and as soon as he
entered the city, according to Ibn Athir (9th vol., p. 50), he declared that
his prime objective was to wage war against the Byzantine and establish peace
and security in Damascus. He also announced the death penalty for any one,
whether his soldiers or other citizens, who proved guilty of disturbing the
peace in the city. Jaysh then moved towards Hims, where the governor of Tripoli
and his troops and a number of volunteers, augmented Jaysh's army in his fight
against the Byzantines, who had besieged Afamiya at that time.
Jaysah arrived at Afamiya during the hour when the city was
in great distress and about to fall into the hands of Byzantines. In the
ensuing battle lasted for a few days, Jaysh faced defeat in the beginning. In
the interim, a Muslim soldier managed to kill the Byzantine commander, causing
demoralization among the Christian troops. The Byzantine troops were defeated,
who took wild flight from the field. Jaysh followed the defeated Byzantines as
far as Antioch and besieged the city for a few days, but he at once lifted the
siege and returned to Damascus.
It must be remembered that Ibn Ammar had instituted a group
of the young men (ahdath) from among the Maghriba in Damascus against the
Mashriqa. The Ahdath, an urban militia, commanded by al-Rais (master) or
al-Rais al-Bilad, whose influence exceeded that of the qadi. As armed and
pugnacious men of the native-born population, the Ahdath had constituted in
face of the political authorities. The Ahadath had assumed the principal power
and were the main cause of the troubles in Damascus. Jaysah tried to cope with
these elements and finally decided to eliminate them once and for all. During
his early arrival in Damasus, he delayed his plan owing to the raids of the
Byzantines on northern Syria. After suppression of the Byzantine influence in
Tyre and the troubles created by Mufraj bin Dagfal, he returned to Damscus to
strike a final blow on the Ahdath. According to Qalanisi (p. 51), he invited
the chiefs of Ahdath to his camp which he had pitched outside the city, and had
them killed. He at once besieged the city and sent his troops inside to search
and kill the remaining ashes of Ahdath. This operation clean-up cost the death
toll of 1200 persons and brought fear to the inhabitants, but Jaysh declared
for their safe-conduct and promised security and peace under the suzerainty of
the Fatimids. This was of course a bloody operation, but at the same time it
was a last resort and the only effective solution to solve the problems of
Damascus, where peace was restored for a long time. In sum, the major threat to
the suzernaity of the Fatimids in Damascus was avoided.
During the first three years of al-Hakim's rule, two major
anti-Fatimid uprisings occurred in Damascus. It was the untiring efforts of
Jaysh ibn Samsama that these rebellions had been subdued in 388/998. Al-Hakim's
aim was to win the loyalty, therefore, he paid due attention to the welfare of
Damascus and appointed considerable governors, some of whom were recalled after
only a few months. Thus, 21 governors are reported to have been appointed in
Syria during the 22 years of al-Hakim's rule. He did not hesitate to dismiss
any governor who exceeded his authority or caused discontent among the
inhabitants.
Jaysh ibn Samsama died on 390/1000 at Damascus. His son went
to Cairo with a paper on which his father had written his will and a detailed
statement of all his property: all this, he declared, belonged to al-Hakim; his
children had no rights. The property thus valued was estimated at 200,000
pieces of gold. His son brought all this before al-Hakim, who said, 'I have
read your father's will and the statement of the money and goods of which he
has disposed by his will. Take it, and enjoy it in tranquility and for your
happiness.'
Ismaili History 549 - Condition of Aleppo
The Fatimid Imam al-Hakim had also contemplated to extend
his authority to Aleppo, the greatest centre of northern Syria. The last
Hamdanid ruler, Sa'id ad-Dawla had been killed in 392/1002 by the conspiracy of
his minister, called Lulu; who abolished the Hamdanid dynasty in Aleppo and
established his own. The real power behind Aleppo was however the Byzantines,
who used to be called when their help needed to the rulers. Thus, al-Hakim made
a non-aggression pact (hudna) with Basil II, the emperor of Byzantine and
weakened the reliance of Aleppo on Byzantine help. There appears different of
views as to the negotiation of non-aggression pact (hudna) between the Muslim
and Christian empires. Ibn Qalanisi (p. 54) writes that in 390/1000, Barjawan
moved first by sending a friendly letter through his Christian secretary, Fahd
bin Ibrahim al-Katib, expressing the Fatimid desire for the pact. Antaki (p.
184) however states that the Byzantine emperor, Basil II took the initiative by
deputing his two envoys to negotiate peace with the Fatimids. In sum, the
agreement was initially for a period of ten years, but it remained enforced
through out al-Hakim's period, and the relations between them were
strengthened. Envoys and presents were exchanged between the two rulers and
trade and commercial activities continued uninterrupted except for a brief
period.
The events which occurred in Aleppo after the death of its
ruler, Lulu in 399/1008 faciliated al-Hakim's policy and assisted him to
achieve his goal. Lulu's son Mansur, succeeding his father, was faced with
numerous enemies, including Abul Hayja, the Hamdanid prince who came from
Byzantium with Byzantine support to restore the rule of his ancestors. Mansur
received investitaure from al-Hakim and virtually became a Fatimid vassal.
Al-Hakim supported Mansur against Abul Hayja, who had taken field and defeated.
In 406/1016, Mansur was defeated in a battle by Saleh bin
Mirdas, the chief of the Banu Kilab. Mansur took refuge with the Byzantines
after leaving a citadel under the control of a certain Fath, who was secretly
in contact with al-Hakim. Thus, al-Hakim granted the title of Asad ad-Dawla
(lion of the state) to Saleh bin Mirdas and Mubarak ad-Dawla (blessed of the
state) to Fath. On the other hand, al- Hakim commanded his troops encamped in
Syria to move towards Aleppo to prevent any pact between Saleh and Fath against
the Fatimids. In 407/1017, the first Fatimid governor appointed by al-Hakim
entered Aleppo, called Fatik, bearing the title of Aziz ad-Dawla. Ibn al-Adim
(d. 660/1262) writes in 'Zubdat al-Halab fi Tarikh Halab' (Damascus, 1951, 1st
vol., p. 214) that al-Hakim issued an edict addressing to the inhabitants of
Aleppo that, 'When Amir al-mominin learned of the tyranny and ill treatment you
suffered from those in powers, burdening you with taxes and harsh imposts out
of all proportion to the ways of Islam, he, may God strengthen his power,
ordered supplies to be sent to you from the state's stores and to exempt you
from the kharaj until the year 407. By this you will know that the light of
righteousness has risen and the darkness of tyranny has been dispelled.'
The Byzantine emperor however opposed the Fatimid foothold in
Aleppo, but did not break the non-agression pact (hubna) with the Fatimids. He
put restrictions upon the trade with Aleppo and cemeted his close ties with the
Mirdasids in order to employ them against Fatik. The remote distance of Cairo,
the threats and offers of his Byzantine contacts and his personal ambition,
made it easy for Fatik to show his back to the Fatimids. Soon afterwards, Fatik
began to rule as an independent ruler in Aleppo and dismissed the officials
appointed by al-Hakim and employed men of his own choice.
On this juncture, al-Hakim realized that a demonstration of
the Fatimid arm forces was necessary to maintain his authority in Aleppo,
therefore, he ordered his governor in Syria to prepare for a quick expedition
against Fatik. On the other side, the troops of the Byzantine also came into
action and started moving from the north to the south to support their
interests. It was only the sudden death of al-Hakim that had prevented the two
empires from breaking peace which had lasted between them for more than 20
years.
Ismaili History 550 - Condition of Maghrib
We have heretofore discussed that al-Muizz had vested
Buluggin bin Ziri (d. 373/984) with the governorship of all the Fatimid
dominions in the Maghrib except for the Kalbid Sicily and Tripoli in 361/972. Later
on, Buluggin asked Imam al-Aziz to give him rule over Tripoli as well. His
request was granted and from 365/975, Tripoli began to be ruled by the Zirids.
Buluggin appointed Tamsulat bin Bakkar as the amir of Tripoli, who governed the
province for 20 years. In 386/996, after the death of Mansur, the second Zirid
ruler, the relation between Tamsulat and Badis (d. 406/1016), the third Zirid
ruler were strained. Tamsulat wrote to Cairo, asking Barjawan to send a new
amir for Tripoli. Barjawan's error was that without the consent of Badis, he
appointed Yanis as the amir of Tripoli in 388/998, who was then the amir of
Barqa. Badis wrote a letter to Yanis, asking for an explanation of his move
from Barqa to Tripoli, but he received no satisfactory reply. Realizing the
danger that Yanis represented, Badis sent his troops into battle against him.
In the ensuing battle, Yanis was killed and his forces retreated to Tripoli,
where they barricaded themselves awaiting help from Cairo.
The above military actions of Barjawan in Tripoli supported
no decree from al-Hakim. It however affected the relations between the Fatimids
and the Zirids. In addition, Tripoli, over which the dispute had begun, was
occupied neither by the Fatimids nor by the Zirids, but it came in the hands of
the enemy of both, i.e., the Banu Zanata. Fulful (d. 402/1011), the chief of
Zanata tribe had taken an opportunity and proceeded towards Tripoli. He entered
the city and declared his support against the Zirids and proclaimed his loyalty
to the Umayyads of Spain.
Hence, the Fatimids lost Tripoli for about ten years
(390-400/999-1009). After restoration of peace in Egypt, al-Hakim turned his
attention towards Tripoli. He dispatched his forces at the command of Yahya
al-Andulusi as a new amir of Tripoli, and commanded Raydan at Tripoli to give
Yahya a sum of money for expenses. Raydan, who most probably appropriated the
money, instead gave Yahya a signed order to collect money from Barqa. When
Yahya reached Barqa, he found the state treasury depleted. Most of the soldiers
in his troops belonged to Banu Qorra, whom he had promised generous payment.
Thus, Yahya faced difficulties in the field. Banu Qorra not only deserted
Yahya, but they also raided his camps in angry and pillaged whatever they found
and returned to their territory. Henceforward, Yahya entered Tripoli with the
remaining troops. He was overpowered by the Zanata chief, Fulful, who
humiliated him and took control of Tripoli, proclaming his loyalty to the
Umayyads of Spain. On other side, al-Hakim did not send any reinforcement to
regain Tripoli, and as a result, the Fatimids lost their suzerainty in Maghrib.
Their relations with the Zirids also deteriorated, and the Sanhaja tribe ruled
there independently. Later on, the Fatimid khutba was also removed.
Ismaili History 551 - Revolt of Abu Raqwa
In 395/1004, al-Hakim faced the most serious challenge to
his authority against the rebellion that shooked and rocked the foundation of
his state. This was the rebellion of Abu Raqwa, an Umayyad prince who united
the forces of Berbers of Zanata with those of the Arab tribe of Banu Qorra to
lead them against the Fatimids. Little is known of Abu Raqwa's background. Most
of the historians gave his name as Walid bin Hisham, and Abu Raqwa was his
nickname given him by the Egyptians. The word raqwa means 'leather bag', in
which travellers, especially the Sufis, carried water during journey. He was an
Umayyad prince from the line of Marwan bin Hakam. In his twenties, he fled from
Spain when Mansur bin Amir took over power and began persecuting members of the
Umayyad family. He travelled to Maghrib, Egypt, Yamen, Mecca and Syria; testing
the possibility of creating a group strong enough to support the Umayyad cause.
At length, he succeeded to generate a large following in Maghrib and proclaimed
himself as an amir.
Besides the rooted opposition of Zanata and the
dissatisfaction of Banu Qorra with the Fatimids, the economic factors also
appears to have been the main cause behind the rebellion of Abu Raqwa. The
province of Barqa in Maghrib was very poor, and its treasury was even
insufficient to supply the needs of the small army which al-Hakim sent in
391/1000 to restore Fatimid suzerainty in Tripoli. Its commercial life was
limited and its income depended upon its limited agricultural output. The whole
of Maghrib preceding the rebellion was caught with economic crisis, resulting a
sort of catastrophe in 395/1004. Ibn Idhari (d. 712/1312) writes in 'Akhbar
al-Andalus wa'l Maghrib' (1st. vol., p. 256) that, 'In 395/1004, there was a
catastrophe in Africa. The poor died and the money of the rich vanished. Prices
rose and food became impossible to find. The people of Badia left their homes.
Houses became empty and there was no one to occupy them. With all this there
was a plague of cholera.' Abu Raqwa understood the difficulties of the
tribesmen, their overwhelming desire to solve their problems, and therefore, he
concentrated his effort to this point. The situtation turned in his favour as
an effective tool of his rebellion. When the people agreed to follow his
rebellious leadership, the first pact he executed with the people concerning
the booty and gains resulting from war. It was resolved to divide the booty
into three shares: one for each tribe and one third to be retained under Abu
Raqwa's control in order to form a treasury to help during the war. He also
promised to give the chiefs the palaces and houses of the Fatimid state in
Cairo and other fertile regions in Egypt.
After being assured himself of sufficient support from the
two principal tribes, Abu Raqwa canvassed neighboring districts, where he
delivered speeches about Islam in a revolutionary manner. The tribesmen were
fascinated by his eloquence, and assembled under his leadership against the
Fatimids. Sandal, the Fatimid chief of Barqa had immediately reported to
al-Hakim and asked permission to campaign against him. According to Ibn Athir
(9th vol., p. 82), 'Al-Hakim, who apparently did not realize the urgency of the
problem, neither gave permission nor sent help but recommended diplomacy, not
militant stance as a solution.' Sandal's action failed, and Abu Raqwa with his
troops swiftly marched to invade the city of Barqa. Sandal and his troops met
them outside the city, and was subdued after a fierce fighting. Sandal
retreated and barricaded himself inside the city. Sandal also contacted Ibn
Taybun, the chief of the Berber tribe of Lawata, who came to the rescue and
forced Abu Raqwa to break the siege, but failed to defeat him. Abu Raqwa then
inflicted a heavy defeat on Lawata's forces and got the loss of many fighters
including Ibn Taybun. The inhabitants of Barqa with their chief Sandal took
advantage of Abu Raqwa's temporary withdrawal from their city, and strongly
fortified its walls, digging huge trenches around them and storing as much food
and supplies as they could. When Abu Raqwa returned to the siege, he found the
city in a much stronger position to defend than before. Several months of
siege, he failed to convince Sandal to surrender. Meanwhile, al-Hakim sent an
army of five thousand men under the leadership of Yanal to relieve Barqa. Yanal
had to cross considerable stretch of desert before he reached Barqa, and Abu
Raqwa sent a body of cavalry across the route to fill in the wells. He then
waited at the point farthest from Egypt to meet Yanal's forces, who arrived
tired, exhausted and thirsty. Yanal was defeated and was scourged to death. Abu
Raqwa sacked his all equipments and supplies, and returned to Barqa. Sandal,
together with his family, fled to Cairo. In the month of Zilhaja, 395/October,
1005, Abu Raqwa captured Barqa, and declared himself amir al-mominin, and
adopted the title of al-Nasir li-Dinillah (the assistant of God's order). This
was struck on the coinage too, and the khutba was read in his name and the
Sunni law was declared. Al-Musabbihi (d. 420/1029) writes that Abu Raqwa's
supporters regarded him as a caliph.
About a year after his occupation of Barqa, Abu Raqwa was
driven out by the threat of famine and plague. He and his supporters left Barqa
as if they were migrating from one land to another, and proceeded towards
Alexandria. Al-Hakim began his preparations to quell the rebellion, and
appointed Fazal bin Saleh to arrange a large force to meet Abu Raqwa in the
field. Meanwhile, a news arrived of Abu Raqwa's movement towards Alexandria.
Fazal sent a detachment at the command of Qabil to intercept the rebels, and
prevent them from reaching the city. The two armies met in Dhat al-Hamam in
Alexandria, where Abu Raqwa won a victory over Qabil. Thence, Abu Raqwa resumed
his march towards Alexandria. He besieged it for several months, provoking
extreme alarms in Cairo, and a large force had been dispatched from Cairo in
command of Fazal bin Saleh. Abu Raqwa failed to capture Alexandria, so he turned
towards Cairo. He reached at Fayyum and camped to plan the final blow against
the Fatimids. Al-Hakim raised reinforcement of four thousand horsemen at the
command of Ali bin Falah to Jiza to prevent Abu Raqwa's troops from raiding
areas close to Cairo. Knowing this, Abu Raqwa sent a division of his troops
which ambushed Ali bin Falah, killed many of his men. Skirmishes between the
two forces continued until they finally met at Ra's al-Barqa in Fayyum
district.
It should be noted that a secret pact between Abu Raqwa and
the Bedouin chiefs in the Fatimid forces had stipulated that when he would
attack, they would withdraw from Fazal bin Saleh's side to create fear and
confusion. Fazal was fully aware of this, and on the day of the battle, he
summoned all the Bedouin chiefs to his tent. When the attack took place, the
Bedouin chiefs, being the prisoners virtually in Fazal's tent, were unable to
play their part in accord with the pact with Abu Raqwa, and their troops,
unaware of their masters' pact with Abu Raqwa, fought fiercely. Expecting a
victory, the troops of Abu Raqwa were easily ambushed and defeated, and he
himself fled to the south, and then to Nubia, a large country streching from
Aswan to Khartoum, and from Red Sea to the Libyan desert. Abu Raqwa reached at
Dumqula, the capital of Nubia, where he pretended to be an ambassador of the
Fatimid at the court of the Nubian king. Fazal followed close behind to the
Nubian frontier and managed to find out Abu Raqwa, and took him prisoner in
397/1004. He was brought to Cairo, and was paraded through the streets. Ibn
Qalanisi (d. 555/1160) writes in 'Tarikh-i Dimashq' (p. 65) that Abu Raqwa had
written a poetical letter to al-Hakim, begging him for mercy, but al-Hakim
refused pardon. But al-Musabbihi (d. 420/1029) as quoted by Makrizi in
'Itti'az' (p. 396) however refutes it and suggests that al-Hakim intended to
pardon Abu Raqwa as al-Hakim had personally told him while talking about Abu
Raqwa, 'I did not want to kill him and what happened to him was not of my choosing.'
Ibn Athir (9th vol., p. 84) writes that, 'Abu Raqwa died from humiliation and
the cruel treatment during the parade, but was not executed.' It transpires
that al-Hakim did not wish to execute him and was waiting the termination of
the parade to grant him mercy, but he was died.
The rebellion of Abu Raqwa lasted for two years, which
almost sucked away the national economy and depleted the royal treasury. In
398/1005, the Nile rising only 16 yards and 16 fingers flow with the result
that there was a great rise in prices and hardship. The single bread (al-khubz)
became so dear that it could be obtained with great difficulty. It was followed
by disease and plague together with malnutrition. Al-Hakim immediately exempted
the taxes and formulated strict measures to cope with the situation and
instituted death penalty for those who inflated prices or hoarded commodities,
which produced the desired effect very soon.
Ismaili History 552 - Rebellion of Mufraj bin Dagfal
Created by Arab tribes in Palestine, headed by Mufraj bin
Dagfal al-Jarrah Taiy, al-Hakim had to face another rebellion hatched in
397/1004, which lasted for about three years. This was the rebellion of the
tribe of Banu Jarrah, a part of the Yameni tribe, called Taiy, who had settled
in southern parts of Palestine in the Balqa region. Unlike the revolt of Abu
Raqwa, Mufraj's rising was not influenced by religious teaching, nor was it a
serious threat to the Fatimids. He began to plunder the pilgrims, and planned
to occupy Palestine to establish his family rule. In 400/1009, al-Hakim
appointed his general Yarkhtagin to Aleppo to suppress the rebellions, but
Mufraj intercepted him at Askalan and raided. Mufraj sacked his materials and
captured him. The rebels also occupied Ramla.
Mufraj went to Hijaz and swore allegiance to Hasan bin Jafar
(d. 430/1038), surnamed Abul Fatuh as an amir, and brought him to Ramla. Thus,
Mufraj dominated both in Palestine and Hijaz, and started coinage in the name
of Abul Fatuh. Al-Hakim was much alarmed by these events in his state and tried
to suppress the rebellion before it assumed serious proportions. He wrote a
letter of remonstration to Mufraj and offered him a sum of 50,000 dinars in
return for the safety of Yarkhtagin. Al-Hakim also threated him with severe consequences
if he harmed his general. Soon afterwards, the Fatimid general Yarkhtagin had
been executed.
To discredit Abul Fatuh in Mecca and regain Hijaz, al-Hakim
communicated with another in Mecca, known as Ibn Abu Tayyib and helped him,
resulting re-occupation of Hijaz by the Fatimid. Al-Hakim wrote to Mufraj,
promising him estates and other gifts if he would cease from rebellion. Mufraj
resolved to abandon Abul Fatuh, who returned to Hijaz. Meanwhile, Mufraj
accepted the offer of al-Hakim and took his money. He however retained his
mastery over Palestine and continued to menace the peace and security. The
pilgrims from Egypt could no longer travel to Hijaz to perform hajj as their
caravans were used to be sacked.
At length, al-Hakim was impelled to take field against
Mufraj. In 404/1013, he sent 20,000 horsemen under Ali bin Falah, whom he
invested the title qutb ad-dawla (magnate of the state), and ordered the chief
of Damascus to join the campaign. Meanwhile, Mufraj died and his supporters
scattered. Ali bin Falah captured Ramla and restored law and order
Ismaili History 553 - Reforms of al-Hakim
After suppression of revolts, al-Hakim's administration
became very liberal. The rebellions and the risings during his period had badly
shaken the commercial life in Egypt by the fluctuation of the dhiram. In
395/1004, the market value of one dinar became equal to 26 dhirams. In
397/1006, the same problem occurred and one dinar valued equal to 34 dhirams.
To cope with the monetary problem, new dhiramshad been minted for circulation
and the old ones withdrawn. The official value of a new dhiram was fixed at the
rate 18 pieces to the dinar. The people were given three days to exchange the
coins. This method controlled the monetary system to great extent.
In Egypt, the prices of merchandise, like units of measures
and weight were not under direct control of the rule. This resulted price
inflation and the people were at the mercy of the shopkeepers and merchants,
profiteering high prices, therefore, al-Hakim stabilized the units of weight
and measure and fixed the price under government control. In 395/1004, an
ordinance was issued to this effect, commanding the stabilization of the units
and threatening those who delibrately mishandled them. In 397/1006, the prices
of certain commodities were fixed. Severe punishment was inflicted upon the
shopkeepers and merchants, who infringed these rules and also paraded in the
streets who disobeyed these ordinances.
The relaxation in tax appears to have been an important
feature in al-Hakim's reformations. During the years of low Nile which affected
agriculture, the land-owners were exempted from paying imposts and taxes.
Sometimes, certain areas were declared tax-free zones and at other times it
covered the whole country. All the important commodities were relaxed from
taxation along with local industries, such as silk, soap and refreshments.
The agriculture in Egypt used to be a target of the scanty
of water during bad Nile and the loss of cattle from epidemics, therefore,
al-Hakim had taken important measures to reduce the problem as much as
possible. He ordered water courses and troughs to be cleaned regularly. In
403/1013, he expended 15,000 dinars for the cleaning of the canal of
Alexandria. He also employed Ibn al-Haytham, a famous engineer from Basra to
solve the problem of low Nile. To ensure the supply of cattle for agriculture
purpose, al-Hakim ordered that cows should not be slaughtered except on
occasions of religious festivals or if they were unfit to pull the plough. Ibn
Taghri Birdi (d. 874/1470) writes in 'al-Nujum al-Zahira fi Muluk Misr wa
al-Qahira' (Cairo, 1929, 4th vol., p. 252) that, 'His food laws like the
slaughtering of safe and healthy cows, which was limited to perpetuate the
cattle breed, and the killing of all dogs in the country were promulgated for
sanitary purposes.'
Al-Hakim also granted most of the state land to his subjects
and it was not only officials and friends who benefited the facility, but any
person who petitioned for his aids. He also curtailed the expenses of the
palaces and confiscated most of the properties of his family members, notably
of his mother and sisters and added them to the state treasury in 399/1009.
Al-Hakim's forbidding extravagant spending in entertainments
when the Nile was exceptionally low and his fight against profiteering from
high prices during the famine crisis are examples of sensible legislation for
the public welfare. Ibn Taghri Birdi also discusses at some length al-Hakim's
charitable and university endowments; his leniency with taxation, depending on
the ability of people and commensurate with the prosperity of Egypt over a
particular year (op. cit., 4th vol., p. 180).
There are also other notworthy reforms of al-Hakim in Egypt.
'Nudity in public baths' says Makrizi in his 'Itti'az al-Hunafa' (Cairo, 1948,
p. 391), 'was prohibited and people were ordered to wear towel around the
waist.' In 397/1006, Makrizi adds, a decree (manshur) was read, commanding the
fixation of prices of bread, meat and other commodities. According to 'The
Renaissance of Islam' (Patna, 1937, p. 399), 'The Caliph al-Hakim, who sought
to restore the original Islam, enacted stringent measures against
wine-drinking. When his Christian physician, Ibn Anastas prescribed wine and
music for his melancholy, the people reverted with joy to the old vice. But the
physician soon died and the Caliph became a yet greater opponent of alcohol. He
even forbade the sale of raisins and honey and destroyed the casks wherein wine
was kept.'
Makrizi further writes in his 'al-Khitat' (Cairo, 1911, 2nd
vol., p. 285) that, 'He enforced an Islamic law forbidding the making, selling
and drinking of wine. A total and complete enforcement of this law never
exercised by any Muslim caliph but al-Hakim was determined to enforce it.' In
402/1012, al-Hakim had forbidden the use of beer under a decree (manshur), and
according to Ibn Khallikan (3rd vol., p. 450), 'The usual law against wine was
strictly enforced. Now he forbade the sale of dried raisins because they were
used by some for making wine. He forbade their importation into the country,
and ordered all found in stores to be destroyed, in consequence of which some
2340 boxes of dried raisins were burned, the value being put at 500 pieces of
gold. He next forbade the sale of fresh grapes, exceeding four pounds at a
time; in any markets, and strict prohibition was made against squeezing out the
juice. The grapes found on sale were confiscated, and either trodden in the
street or thrown into the Nile. The vine at Gizeh were cut down and oxen
employed to tread the fruit into the mire. Orders were issued that the same was
to be done throughout the provinces. But honey as well as grapes can be used in
preparing fermented liquor, so the Caliph's seal was affixed to the stores of
honey at Gizeh, and some 5051 jars of honey were broken and their contents
poured into the Nile, as well as 51 cruises of date honey.'
De Lacy O'Leary quotes an example to this effect in 'A Short
History of the Fatimid Khilafat' (London, 1923, pp. 165-6) that a certain
merchant had all his money invested in the prohibited fruit, and lost
everything by the seizure and destruction of his goods. He appeared before the
qadi and summoned al-Hakim to appear and make good the destruction caused by
his officials. The Caliph appeared to answer the charge preferred against him,
the qadi treating him like any other citizen against whom complaint had been
lodged. The merchant asked for compensation to the amount of 1000 pieces of
gold. Al-Hakim in his defence said that the fruits destroyed were intended to
be used in the preparation of drinks forbidden by the law of Holy Koran, but
that if the merchant will answer that they were not intended for this purpose,
but only to be eaten he was willing to pay their price. The merchant swore that
the fruit was intended only for eating. He then received the money and gave the
Caliph a formal receipt. When the case was concluded, the qadi, who had upto
this point treated both parties as ordinary suitors, rose from his seat and
gave the Caliph the salute customary at court. Al-Hakim admired the qadi's
conduct, and made him valuable presents in recognition of his treatment of the
case.
The historians concur that the life of frivolity in Egypt
seems to have been against the principles of al-Hakim, and according to Antaki
(p. 202), 'He banned the profession of singers and dancers in Egypt.' He also
forbade unveiled women to follow a funeral, prohibiting the weeping and howling
and procession of mourning women with drums and pipes. Thus, the tearing of
clothes, the blackening of faces and clipping of hair were forbidden and women,
employed for lamenting the dead, were imprisoned. O'Leary writes that, 'No
doubt the nocturnal festivities of Cairo, well suited to the pleasure loving
character of the Egyptians, led to many abuses, and so in 391/1001 a strict
order was issued, forbidding women to go out of doors by night, and a little
later this was followed by a general order prohibiting the opening of the shops
by night.' (op. cit., p. 133)
In sum, al-Hakim always protected the Islamic interest like
his ancestors. Ibn al-Muqaffa in 'Tarikh Batarikat al-Kanisa al-Misriyya'(2nd
vol., p. 125) and Bar Hebraeus in 'Chronographia' (London, 1923, p. 184) state
that al-Hakim threatened those who did not follow Islam and honoured those who
did. Ibn Khallikan (3rd vol., p. 451) writes that, 'In 408/1017, al-Hakim
forbade the kissing of the ground in his presence and annulled the prayer made
for him in the khutba and in the writings addressed to him. Instead of that
prayer, they were ordered to employ these words: Salutation to the Commander of
the Faithful.'
Ismaili History 554 - The famous decree of al-Hakim
According to 'Tarikh' (4th vol., p. 60) by Ibn Khaldun,
'Tarikh-i Antaki' (p. 195) by Antaki and 'Khitat' (2nd vol., p. 287) by
Makrizi, al-Hakim issued his famous ordinance in 399/1008, which was read on
the pulpit of the mosque of al-Azhar as under:-
'This is to inform that Amir al-mominin al-Hakim bi-Amrillah
recites the verse of God's manifest Book before you that: 'There is no
compulsion in religion; truly the right path is now distinct from error. He
that renounces idol-worship and puts his faith in God, he indeed has laid hold
on the firmest handle, which shall not break off, and God is Hearing and Knowing.'
(2:256)
Yesterday passed away in prosperity and today came up with
its necessities. O'multitude of Muslims! I am an Imam and you are the Ummah.
Verily, all Muslims are brothers with one another, therefore, you seek unity
with the brothers and fear God. It is hoped that you shall be graced with
mercy. One who confesses the tauhid (Unity of God) and risalat (Prophethood of
Muhammad), and one who does not boost disunity between the two persons, they
all are included in the bond of Islamic Brotherhood. God saved those who had
saved themselves through it. And those whom were to stop, they were stopped
from all unlawful things, i.e., from slaughter, means and materials, and the
forbidden women. Best understanding and the following on the true path are good
and excellent. The quarrels and dissentions are not good. The past events
should not be repeated and given up as extremely harmful for the present time.
It should not be remembered what occurred in the past, notably those events and
occurances being taken place during the rules of my ancestors. Who they were?
They were Mahdi billah, Qaim bi-Amrillah, Mansur billah, Muizz li-dinillah and
other (i.e. al-Aziz), who adopted the true path. The condition of Mahdiya,
Mansuria and Kairwan is quite apparent, not hidden from any one, nor even it is
secret.
The fast-keepers may keep fast and break in accordance with
their rites. One should have no objection with the person who keeps and breaks
fast (according to his own belief). Those who offer five obligatory prayers, they
must continue it. No one should restrict or forbid one who offers the salat
al-dua and tarawih (prayers in the month of Ramdan). Those who recite five
taqbir (act of extolling greatness of God) on the funeral prayers, they should
do so, and no person should forbid to those who offer four taqbir. The
muazinshould recite 'haiya ala khair al-amal' (come to the best work) in the
call to prayer. One should not be however teased who does not recite these
words in the call to prayer.
No ill words should be uttered to revile the Companions of
the past, and one should have no objection against the eulogies being extolled
for them. Let him oppose who is against them. Each Muslim mujtahid is
responsible for himself in the decision of religion matters. Verily, he has to
return to God. He has his own book of deeds, whereupon depend his accounts.
O'God's servants! you follow the injunctions of above
deccree being enforced today. No Muslim should hemper into the faith of other
Muslims, and no person should oppose the beliefs of his friends. Amir
al-mominin has written down all these points for you (explicitly) in his
decree. Nay, God says, 'O'believers! you are accountable for none but
yourselves; he that goes astray cannot harm you if you are on the right path.
You shall all return to God, and He will declare to you what you have done'
(5:106). May peace be upon you and the divine grace.'
In Egypt, al-Hakim thus is reported to have removed the
differences of the Shia and Sunni Muslims. Ibn Khallikan (3rd vol., p. 450) writes
that, 'He gave orders that the persons who uttered curses against the
Companions should be flogged and paraded ignominiously through the streets.'
Antaki (p. 195) writes that, 'He publicly praised the Companions of the Prophet
and commanded his subjects to do the same.' In sum, the Sunni and Shia enjoyed
toleration and equal rights. Many Sunni jurists were also employed in the Dar
al-Hikmah and the appointment of a Sunni qadi, called Abul Abbas bin Awam
Hanbali is best example in this context. In 400/1009, al-Hakim also established
a school of law offering instructions in the Malikite rite, whose incharge was
Abu Bakr Antaki.
In sum, al-Hakim restored peace and prosperity in the
country, attracting the Muslims of Baghdad and Cordova to settle in Cairo. He
brought the Fatimid rule to its zenith. Dr. G. Kheirallah writes in 'Druze
History' (Detroit, 1952, p.160) that, 'During the life and reign of al-Hakim,
the Fatimite Egypt reached its highest position of influence and prestige - no
other state could then vie with Egypt for power, wealth or enlightenment; the
Arabian art and crafts were at their zenith, and affluence and ease became the
lot of the Egyptians'. According to Antaki (d. 458/1065) in 'Tarikh-i Antaki'
(Beirut, 1909, p. 206), 'Al-Hakim provided such kind of justice that his
subjects had never known before. They slept in their homes secured in the
possession of their properties.' Ibn Ayyas (d. 930/1524) writes in 'Bada'i
al-Zuhur' (Cairo, 1896, 1st vol., p. 52) that, 'His justice became the favourite
theme of both writers of story and myth as well as poets. Much of their works,
praising and picturing al-Hakim as the champion of justice, shows the
impression his rule left on people's imaginations.' Al-Hakim adopted severity
in observance of Islamic law, which enormously helped to reduce crimes. Ibn
al-Zafir (d. 613/1216) writes in 'al-Duwal al-Munqatia' (p. 59) that, 'At times
of prayers, the shopkeepers would have their shops open and unguarded without
fear of theft.' Ibn Ayyas (op. cit., p. 54) reports a story of a man who lost
his purse full of money in the street of Cairo, and when, after few days, he
passed the same street, he found it untouched. None dare to touch it for fear
of al- Hakim's punishment. In sum, there is an Egyptian fragment of Hebrew
writing, evidently from al-Hakim's period, praising and eulogizing his
unparalled justice with sincerity, vide Dr. A. Neubauer's 'Egyptien Fragment'
(FQR, IX, pp. 24-6).
Ismaili History 555 - The problems of Ahl Dhimma
According to Islamic law, the non-Muslims inhabited in the
Islamic state were called ahlu dh-dhimmati (people of protection) or simply
al-Dhimma or dhimmis. They included the Christian, Jewish, Magian, Samaritan
and Sabian. Ahl Dhimma were prohibited in the Muslim state from holding public
religious ceremonies, from raising their voices loudly when praying and even
from ringing their church bells aloud. All schools agree that it is not allowed
to build new churches, synagogues, convent, hermitage or cell in towns or
cities of Dar al- Islam (Muslim lands). When these injunctions were disobeyed,
the Muslim leaders were authorized to treat the offenders as dwellers in Dar
al-Harb (non-Muslim lands) and not as Ahl Dhimma in Dar al-Islam (Muslim
lands), vide 'Subh al-A'asha fi Sina'at at al-Insha' (Cairo, 1922, 13th vol.,
p. 356) by Qalaqashandi (d. 821/1418).
When the Fatimids arrived in Egypt, the need for a stable
financial administration provided an opportunity to the talented minorities of
Ahl Dhimma (Christians and Jews) to find employment in state offices. They were
massively employed from low to high ranking posts in the state. In return, the
policy of the Fatimid Caliphs towards them was of great toleration. The
Fatimids granted land to churches. The Jewish religious institutions, such as
the Jerusalem Yeshiva was also financially supported by the Fatimid
authorities. As time passed their influences grew so rapidly through out the
state that they became almost a threat to the Fatimids. Most of the high
officials of finance departments, the deputies and staffs were remarkably
non-Muslims, who also became a source of tension for the Muslims. When Imam
al-Aziz dismissed and arrested his vizir Yaqub bin Killis in 373/983, the
functioning of the administration became almost frozen, impelling al-Aziz to
release and restore Yaqub bin Killis to his former office. Al-Aziz is also
reported to have reappointed few other dismissed officials, confirming the
foothold of the non-Muslims in the Fatimid dominion.
Wustenfeld writes in 'Geschichte der Fatimiden Chalifen'
(Gottingen, 1881, 2nd vol., p. 64) about Isa bin Nestorius, a Christian vizir
of the Fatimids that, 'He was hard-hearted and an usurer who grasped for
himself every lucrative business, and agumented very much the taxes. He
favoured his co-religionists and placed them in the important offices of state,
while removing the former Muslims secretaries and tax-collectors. As his chief
deputy in Syria he chose a Jew, Menasse bin Ibrahim, who showed there the same
regard for the Jews as Isa did for the Christians in Egypt, by reducing their
taxes and appointing them as officials. Thus the followers of these two
religions ruled the state. This caused great indignation amongst the Muslims.'
The Ahl Dhimma, mainly the Christians, were thickly
populated in Egypt. They were rich, powerful, influential and dominated in the
political and social orbits. Ibn Athir (9th vol., p. 48) quotes Hasan bin
Bishar of Damascus, who made mention of the growing influences of the
Christians in the Fatimid empire in his poetry that:-
Be Christian (as) today is the time of Christianity. Believe
in nothing, but in the holy trinity. Yaqub is the father, Aziz is the son. And
for the holy ghost, Fazal is the one.
The people roused to anger against the poet and situation
gradually exploded in civil disturbances. When the people clamoured for the
punishment of the poet, al-Aziz demonstrated a big heart and told to Yaqub bin
Killis and Fazal bin Saleh to expel the poet from the city as soon as possible.
Towards the end of al-Aziz's reign, the antagonism had
reached its climax. The policy of assigning high administrative offices to
Christians and Jews was basically in the line with the religious toleration
adopted by the Fatimids. It however appears that al-Aziz went further than his
predecessors, and the non-Muslims exceeded to take its unnecessaary advantage.
In a letter purported to have been delivered to al-Aziz, the writer accused him
as saying, 'By the Lord who honoured the Christians through Isa bin Nestorius,
and the Jews through Menasse bin Ibrahim al-Kazzaz and humiliated the Muslims
through you.' (vide 'Khitat', 2nd vol., p. 195). On that juncture, the Fatimid
Imam kept patience and did not take any action against the non-Muslims.
The fast growth of the influences of the Christianity and
Judaism began to menace the Islamic interest in the Fatimid state. Even the
continued hatred and rivalry between Muslims and non-Muslims in the Fatimid
dominion also necessiated that the Imam should find a solution, and thus
al-Hakim was destined to come into the actions.
According to al-Musabbihi (cf. 'Khitat', 2nd vol., p. 195),
about five naval ships together with their equipment were burnt in 386/995. The
Christians, who lived near the port, were accused of purposely causing the
fire. Thus, the Muslims sailors attacked them and killed 107 persons and threw
their dead bodies into the streets, and pillaged their houses. The vizir Isa
bin Nestorius, representing al-Aziz in his absence, brought a police force to
the area. He investigated the incident and arrested large number of the
Muslims. He crucified 20 Muslims and severely punished the other. The death
toll of this riot indicates a large number of the people, and the reason
however given to this effect was the fire caught accidently in the ships. But,
the manner in which the Muslims behaved, according to the description of
al-Musabbihi, confirms that the hatred and animosity was at the very root of
the riot.
Like the Christians, the Jews had also wielded their
influence in Egypt with the help of Menassee bin Ibrahim. Jacob Mann writes in
'The Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the Fatimid Caliphs' (London, 1919,
1st vol., pp. 20-21) that, 'Menasse was a general like Joab bin Seruyah and his
banner shone with royal splendour. His name was `healing and life' to his
people (i.e., the Jews), who greatly rejoiced at his dignity....A number of
Arab tribes were humiliated by him. But he looked after the interests of his
co-religionists....Menasse's brief management of affairs in Syria and Palestine
must have been beneficial to the Jews.'
The foothold of the Jews can be gauged from the fact that
Suyuti (d. 911/1505) writes in 'Husn al-Muhadara fi Akhbar Misr wa
al-Qahira'(Cairo, 1909, 2nd vol., p. 129) that a poet said of them during the
Fatimid Caliphate that:-
The Jews of our times reached the summit of their goal and
have become aristocrates. Theirs is the dignity, theirs the money! Councillors
of the state and princes chosen among them O'People of Egypt! I give you
advice: Become Jews for the heaven has become Jewish.
Under these curious circumstances in the Islamic state,
al-Hakim had no alternative but to take drastic actions against Ahl Dhimmas.
The prime reason to impose certain restrictions upon the Ahl Dhimma was to
curtail their growing influence and distinguish them from Muslims as well. The
policy of al-Hakim appears to have been an attempt to solve a problem which has
menaced his rule. On one hand was Ahl Dhimma being a large minority with their
vital importance to the progress of the financial administration of the state,
and on the other was the Muslim population which resented their pressure and
the policy that prolonged their influence in the state affairs or social life.
If al-Hakim dismissed all non-Muslims from the offices of state, his financial
administration would have suffered a severe blow and weakening the treaury. If
he had adopted tolerance, he would have endangered his popularity amongst the
Muslims. Ahl Dhimma were rich, powerful and influential, therefore, the Muslim
community was unwilling to further tolerate them. Thus, al-Hakim found the
solution to his dilemma in the subjugation of Ahl Dhimma to Muslim law. 'In
general' writes M. Canard in 'The Encyclopaedia of Islam'(Leiden, 1971, 3rd
vol., p. 78), 'this policy had the approval of the Muslims, who hated the
Christians because of acts of misappropriation and of favourism by the
Christian financial officials.'
During the first ten years of al-Hakim's reign
(386-395/995-1004), the Jews and Christians enjoyed the immunity and even the
privileges which they had obtained during the tolerant rule of Imam al-Aziz.
When the wheel turned to reverse side, menacing his empire, al-Hakim had to
curtail a part of the freedom of Ahl Dhimma with drastic hands.
The first decree of al-Hakim in this context issued in
395/1004, ordering the Jews and Christians to wear the ghiyar (garment) only
when they appeared in public. When this order was disobeyed, the punishment was
followed. Wearing the ghiyar was soon found as not enough, therefore, a distinctive
religious symbol was ordered. He made Christians wear a distinctive badge hung
round their necks - a cross for the Christians and the wooden images of a calf
for the Jews.
The non-Muslims however resented any kind of restriction
affecting their prestige. The ensuing enforcement of the new laws was a grave
challenge to their position. It abolished their towering fame and even
curtailed a part of their freedom. The information in the extant sources
appears to indicate that these incidents resulted from circumstances and not
from a planned policy to attack the religious communities.
The Christians and Jews began to wear the prescribed
religious symbols made of gold or silver and used the saddles with richly
coloured trappings while riding on horses. Then al-Hakim ordered the cross to
be of wood, five rotls in weight, and made the Jews wear billets of wood of the
same weight, shaped like the clapper of a bell.
In addition, the Christians and Jews alike were prohibited
from riding horses and only allowed donkeys or mules for their transport. Their
saddles had to be plain, with stirrups of sycamore wood and reins of black
leather. If they transgressed any of these rules they were punished with
banishment. He also forbade Jewesses and the Christian women to wear Arabian
shoes, and made them wear footwears with legs (sarmuz), one red and one black.
This was also ignored, therefore, next strict order came into force in
398/1007, ordering the Jews to wear a bell and Christians a cross when in
public baths. Boats manned by Muslim crews were also prohibited for them. He
also forfade slaves to be sold to them, and to employ Muslim servants and to
take Muslim girls as concubines.
The repetition of the orders sharply indicates that they
were not properly obeyed. M. Canard writes in 'The Encyclopaedia of
Islam'(Leiden, 1971, 3rd vol., p. 78) that, 'It should be mentioned that these
measures were perhaps not always strictly enforced, otherwise it would not have
been necessary to repeated them.' When continued disobedience was reported,
al-Hakim permitted the Muslims in 403/1012 to spy upon Ahl Dhimma and report
offenders to the police. At length, the Ahl Dhimma began to obey the orders of
al-Hakim. Later, the severity of the measures was lifted. It is striking
feature worthy of noting that there is no indication which suggesting that a
group of Ahl Dhimma, was punished for transgressing these orders when it
however was confirmed that such violation had actually occurred.
The historians have advanced different reasons motivated in
al-Hakim's measures. Uthman al-Nabulsi (d. 632/1235) in his 'Tajrid Sayf al-
Himma Lima fir Dhimmati Ahl al-Dhimma' (p. 139) suggests they were political,
that al-Hakim feared the prosperity of Ahl Dhimma, their growing influence both
in state affairs and in the society, might encourage them to overthrow his
empire. Antaki (d. 458/1066) in 'Tarikh-i Antaki' (Paris, 1909, p. 207), Ibn
al-Muqaffiq in 'Tarikh-i Batarikat al-Kanisa al-Misriyya' (Cairo, 1948, 2nd
vol., p. 124) and Bar Hebraeus (d. 684/1286) in 'Chronographia' (London, 1932,
p. 184) suggest the reasons for al-Hakim's policy was to force the Christians
and Jews to accept Islam, which seems extremly doubtful. It must be known that
during the years of al-Hakim's greatest pressure upon the Ahl Dhimma, the
majority of officials in his services were non-Muslims and that he never
dismissed any of them on religious ground. The Dhimmis or Muslims received
equal titles (alqab) and grants. Antaki (p. 207) further writes that the
majority of his staff were Ahl Dhimma and too numerous to be replaced by
Muslims. He made his measures so severe that he could force them to accept
Islam.
The historians concur that al-Hakim respected the personal
beliefs of his subjects and did never force them to subscribe to a particular
religion. Musabbihi, the contemporary historian quotes al-Hakim as saying,
'When I appointed Salih bin Ali as Qa'id al-Quwad, I asked Ibn Surin to write a
decree and make him sworn on the Bible not to tell anyone before the time was
due.' (cf. 'Itti'az', p. 398). Thus, force does not seem to have been
al-Hakim's method of conversion, rather he preferred arguments and discussions
and his famous decree of 399/1008 begins with the Koranic verse: 'la ikraha fi
al-din' (no compulsion in religion) is an ample evidence in this context.
O'Leary writes in 'A Short History of the Fatimid Khalifate' (London, 1923, p.
133) that, 'In his conduct generally al-Hakim was tolerant, as his predecessors
had been, towards the Christians and Jews as well as towards the Muslims who
did not embrace the peculiar tenets of the Shia sect.' The reports of many
historians make it obvious that the obedience to Islamic law, not the adoption
of Islam, was al-Hakim's prime purpose, vide Ibn al-Zafir, p. 63, Ibn Athir,
9th vol., p. 131, etc.
The first edict of al-Hakim, ordering all Jews and
Christians not to appear in public unless they wore a black ghiyar (garment)
with black belts, however, was not new to Ahl Dhimma in Islamic state. It dates
back to the time of Caliph Umar, who had made certain conditions for them, and
one of them was that non-Muslims were to wear a distinctive over-coat
(al-ghiyar), vide Qalqashandi's 'Subh al A'asha fi Sina'at at al-Insha' (13th
vol., p. 356), Nabulsi's 'Tajrid Sayf al-Himma' (BIFAO, 1958-60, p. 139). It is
to be noted that the Abbasid caliph Harun ar-Rashid, according to Tabari (3rd
vol., p. 712) had issued an ordinance in 191/807 for Ahl Dhimma living in
Baghdad to the effect that they should distinguish themselves from the Muslims
in their dresses and mounts. Tabari (3rd vol., p. 1419) writes that in 235/850,
the Abbasid caliph Mutawakkil issued a decree, ordering the Christians to wear
honey-coloured hoods (taylasan), and the Jews the black-belts (zunnar) and also
two buttons on their caps. In 239/854, another ordinance was imposed, ordering
the Christians to wear durra'a and qaba (tunics) with two yellow dhira
(sleeves) and forbidding them to ride horses.
The distinctive garments which the Ahl Dhimma had to wear
during the period of al-Hakim was the ghiyar means 'distinction', which was a
piece of cloth having a patch of stipulated colour placed on the shoulder.
It must be however known that the destruction of the
churches in 392/1002 in Cairo was not by the order of the Imam. It was the
result of an attack by a group of anguished Muslims. Antaki (p. 186) writes
that, 'The Christian Jacobites began rebuilding a ruined church in the area of
Rashida, where a group of Muslims attacked them and destroyed the building and
two other churches which were nearby.'
Ibn Abi Tayy, who is quoted by Makrizi, suggests that,
'Since Muslim laws does not allow Ahl Dhimma to build new churches in Dar al-
Islam, therefore, the Muslims were angered by the rebuilding of the church, an
act they interpreted as a challenge to their law.' Ibn Abi Tayy further states
that both Christians and Muslims complained to al-Hakim. The former said that
the church existed before the Muslim conquest, and the latter argued that it
was newly built. (cf. 'Khitat', 2nd vol., p. 283)
As a matter of reconciliation, al-Hakim at legnth ordered
his mosque to be built in the area and gave permission for the Christians to
build their new churches in another area which was known as al-Hamra. This, as
Antaki (p. 186) and Ibn Abi Tayy (cf. 'Khitat', 2nd vol., p. 283) state, 'was a
compensation for the three churches destroyed in Rashida.'
It is to be noted that such actions were never directed
against the Jews, and the revenues of their synagogues were not confiscated nor
were they ever destroyed by official order. Jacob Mann, a harsh Jewish critic
writes in 'The Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the Fatimid Caliphs'
(London, 1920, 1st vol., p. 33) that, 'No details are given either by Lane Poole
or by Wustenfeld about the destruction of the Jewish synagogues.' Qalqashandi
(25th vol., p. 73) however writes that, 'In Cairo the district of Jaudarriya
was thickly inhabited by Jews till al-Hakim was informed that they oppressed
the Muslims, reviled the Islam and sang defamatory verses. In 403/1012,
al-Hakim ordered one night to close their gates and had them burnt in the
quarter. The Jews afterwards inhabited the street of al- Zuwaila in Cairo.'
The sequestration of church revenues however had been
directed against the widespread corruption which was gaining increasing
momentum even among high officials. Ibn al-Muqaffa himself a bishop, affirms
that, 'The corruption had reached to its extreme among the Christian officials
and the Patriach Inba Zakharin sold bishops and priesthoods to anyone rich
capable to pay the price thereof. Yunis, a certain priest intended to become a
bishop, but the Patriach refused him, because he was not so rich. Yunis
therefore submitted a petition to al-Hakim against the then prevalent practice
of bribery rife in ecclesiastic orbits. Al-Hakim arrested the Patriarch and
gave the supervision of the revenues of the church to the state diwan. (op.
cit., 2nd vol., p. 127)
Antaki (p. 194) writes that the confiscation included only
the revenues of the churches in Egypt. He also adds (p. 219) that the church
revenues were not included in the state treasury, but put under al-Hakim's name
in the state diwan, which were later restored without any loss to the church
officials.
In 398/1007, the Christians further dared to violate the
orders when their multitude flocked in Jerusalem to celebrate Easter in public.
Antaki (p. 194) however provides some curious informations about the manner in
which the Christians celebrated their annual festivals. 'They continually
ingnored prescribed rules for Ahl Dhimma and opposed a number of al-Hakim's
orders regarding their rituals. He thus prohibited their public parade during
Easter and Epiphany.'
Hatred between Muslims and non-Muslims became strong to its
extreme and reacted in public, and at last a riot took place which resulted in
the destruction of the Qiyamah, a famous church of the Christians in Jerusalam
in 400/1015.
Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373) in 'al-Bidaya wa al-Nihaya' (11th
vol., p. 339) and Dhahabi (d. 748/1348) in 'Kitab al-Ibar' (3rd vol., p. 67)
concur that the practices of the monks and a disgrace to Islam were the root
causes of the destruction of Qiyama. Antaki (p. 195) writes that, 'The Muslims
stirred hootest agitation and expressed their hatred of Christians by pulling
down their churches and pillaged their property.' Makrizi also writes in
'Khitat' (2nd vol., p. 512) that al-Hakim warned the Muslims to refrain from
such indecent actions. Salahuddin Khuda Bakhsha writes in 'The Renaissance of
Islam' (Patna, 1937, p. 56) that, 'This Hakim never intended or wished to be
done and he stopped it as soon as he heard of it.'
In conclusion, P.J. Vatikiotis writes in 'The Fatimid Theory
of State' (Lahore, 1957, p. 153) that, 'His (al-Hakim) persecution of
Christians and Jews and the legislation enacted for that purpose between
395/1004 and 411/1020 seem to have been a policy with a justifiable purpose.'
Ismaili History 556 - Construction of mosques
Dr. Sadik Assad writes in 'The Reign of al-Hakim bi-Amrallah'
(Beirut, 1974, p. 86) that, 'Al-Hakim also built more mosques than any of his
predecessors and perhaps, more than any other Muslim caliph.' He extended his
benefactions to all the existing mosques, and was responsible for the building
of many more. The mosque near the Bab al-Futuh, commenced by his father in
380/990 had been left incomplete. Al-Hakim completed it and made it the second
congregational mosque of Cairo, known as al-Anwar. Making no distinction
between public treasury and personal funds, he made lavish gifts to the mosques
of Fustat and Cairo. He furnished the mosque known as Hakim's Mosque with
lamps, mats and other requirements at a cost of 5000 pieces of gold. He
presented to the old mosque at Fustat a candlelabrum with 1200 lights which
weighed 100,000 dhirams. So huge was his grant that in carrying it to the
mosque, the road had to be dug, and the upper part of the door had to be
removed to carry it into the mosque. This present was taken in a procession
with the commander-in-chief in the front with drums and trumpets and amidst
shouts of tehlil (no might save God) and takbir (God is great). He also
presented the mosque 1290 copies of Holy Koran, some of which were written in
letters of gold. He also built a huge mosque near the Muqattam hills and
presented to it carpets, curtains and lamps. He also furnished various mosques
the items like the copies of Holy Koran, silver lamps, mats, curtains etc.'
Makrizi also writes in 'Itti'az' (2nd vol., p. 96) that al-Hakim generously
allocated 9220 dhirams each month for the upkeep of the mosques.
Ismaili History 557 - The Fatimid genealogy
The Abbasid caliph Kadir billah (d. 422/1031) got his rule
dwindling before his eyes. He saw Baghdad yielding its position of prestige as
the seat of culture and science to Cairo, and he found himself a virtual
prisoner of the Buwahids, while the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim was ruling
powerfully and absolutely. Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1200) writes in 'al-Muntazam fi
Tarikh al-Muluk' (Hyderabad, 1840, 7th vol., p. 237) that, 'The Shia of Iraq
had looked to al-Hakim as their desired Caliph in 398/1008 in Baghdad, and
during a quarrel with the Sunnis, they shouted slogans, Ya Hakim, Ya Mansur in
favour of al-Hakim.'
In 401/1010, Mutamad ad-Dawla Qirwash bin Maqallid (d.
444/1052), the chief of the Uqayl tribe and governor of Mosul, Madain, Anbar
and Kufa acknowledged the Fatimid Caliphate instead of the Abbasids, and
started the Fatimid khutba and coinage. In the same year, Ali bin Mazid Asadi
(d. 408/1018), the chief of the Asad tribe also proclaimed his loyalty to
al-Hakim and had the Fatimid khutba read in Hilla and the districts he
governed.
The Abbasid caliph Kadir billah alarmed over the prosperity
of Egypt and growing influence of the Fatimids inside his empire, therefore, he
attempted to combat with al-Hakim by another cowardice tool. He gathered a
number of Shia and Sunni theologians and jurists to his court in 402/1011 and
ordered them to prepare a forged manifesto that the Fatimid claim of Alid
descent was false. Ibn Khaldun (1332- 1406) writes in 'Muqaddimah' (tr. Franz
Rosenthal, London, 1958, 1st vol., pp. 45-6) that, 'The judges in Baghdad
eventually prepared an official statement denying the Alid origin (of the
Fatimids). The statement was witnessed by a number of prominent men, among them
the Sharif ar-Radi and his brother al-Murtada, and Ibn al-Bathawi. Among the
religious scholars were Abu Hamid al-Isfarayini, al-Quduri, as- Saymari, Ibn
al-Akfani, al-Abiwardi, the Shia jurist Abu Abdullah bin an-Numan, and other
prominent Muslims in Baghdad. The event took place one memorable day in the
year 402/1011 in the time of (the Abbasid caliph) al-Qadir. The testimony was
based upon heresy, on what people in Baghdad generally believed. Most of them
were partisans of the Abbasids who attacked the Alid origin (of the Fatimids).
The historians reported the informations as they had heard it. They handed down
to us just as they remembered it. However, the truth lies behind it.
Al-Mutadid's letter concerning Ubaydallah (al-Mahdi) to Aghlabid in al-Qayrawan
and the Midrarid in Sijilmasah, testifies most truthfully to the correctness of
the origin (of the Fatimids) and proves it most clearly. Al-Mutadid was better
qualified than anyone else to speak about the genealogy of the Prophet's
house.' Ibn Taghri Birdi (d. 874/1470) writes in his 'al-Nujum al-Zahira fi
Muluk wa al-Qahira' (Cairo, 1929, 4th vol., p. 236) that, 'The Abbasid caliph
hired theologians and paid them large sum of money to write books condemning
the Fatimid cause and their doctrine.'
We have three accredited Sunni historians, Ibn Khaldun
(1332-1406), Abul Fida (1273-1331) and Makrizi (1363-1442), who were not under
the pressure or influence of either the Abbasids or the Fatimids. These
historians concur that the Fatimids of Egypt were the direct descendants of Ali
and Fatima. The Abbasid false propaganda, however, discrediting the Fatimid
lineage has been falsified through accredited sources and arguments, vide
'Genealogy of the Aga Khan' by Mumtaz Ali Tajddin Sadik Ali, Karachi, 1990.
Ismaili History 558 - Foundation of Dar al-Hikmah
Amid the surging splendour, al-Hakim emerges as an unusual
personality judged by any standard. He founded Dar al-Hikmah (House of Wisdom),
also known as Dar al-Ilm (House of Knowledge) in 395/1004, where the sciences
including astronomy, logic, philosophy, mathematics, history, theology,
languages and medicines were taught and the Shiite esoteric interpretation
propagated. Qadi Abul Aziz bin Muhammad bin Noman was its first supervisor.
This academy was connected with the royal palace, enriched with a huge library,
and distinct conference rooms and chambers. Scholastic activities were
conducted by the scientists, philosophers, professors, theologians, scholars
etc. Staff of clerks and servants were employed for the upkeep of the
institution. Scientists, professors and learned men were employed as lecturers.
Wustenfeld writes in his 'Akademien der Araber' (Gottingen, 1837, p. 67) that,
'It was in reality the first Lay University, where also Mathematics, Astronomy,
Medicine and Methaphysics were taught.'
The Dar al-Hikmah was founded to facilitate the working of
the Ismaili mission too, and became rapidly a cultural centre. It attracted the
students from all parts of the Muslim world, where the Imam would himself often
visit the lecture-halls, joining debates and granting generous gifts to
encourage notable proficiency. The lectures delivered by the dais were known as
majalis and were given at different levels according to the intellectual
capacity of the audience. Some were designated as majalis al-khassa (sessions
for the selected) and others as majalis al-amma (sessions for the public). From
the picture drawn by Musabbihi and Ibn Tuwayr, both quoted by Makrizi in his
'Khitat' (1st vol., p. 391), it would appear that the majalis al-khassa were
attended only by the Ismailis. In the others, the lectures read were merely
explanations of the doctrines which concerned the meaning of Imam, the
theological differences between the Shia and Sunni laws and their historical
background. In al-Hakim's time, the majalis expanded in an endeavour to reach
every group of people including even visitors to the country and women. Special
meetings were divided into two. One was for the high officials and learned men
and was known as majalis al-awliya and the other was for the ordinary officials
and the branch of it was specially for women of the palace. The public sessions
were divided into three - one for men of the general public, one for the women
and one for the visitors to the country.
By the end of the 4th/10th century there were also regular
assemblies on every Thursday and Friday for the reading of majalis
al-hikmah(lectures on wisdom), which was flourished to its zenith. Makrizi
quotes in his 'Khitat' (1st vol., p. 391) al-Musabbihi (d. 420/1029) as giving
some details of these majalis. According to him, 'The dai gave many lectures in
the palace, lecturing separately to the adepts, the members of the court, the
common people and strangers. To women, he lectured in the Jam-i Azhar, where a
separate chamber was alloted to the women of the court. The dai prepared the
lecture in his house, after being presented its text to the Caliph, a neat copy
of the lecture was prepared. The contributions (najwa) of the Ismailis were
also collected during these lectures, which were called majalis al-hikmah.' The
fixed monetary contribution (najwa) was collected from the individual Ismailis
during the majalis al-hikmah, and the lists of the contributors were kept by a
special secretary (katib al-dawa) appointed by the chief dai. Makrizi writes
that the wealthy Ismailis made substantial voluntary donations.
It should be noted that the term najwa evidently refers to
the Koranic verse (58:12), which reads:- 'Ye faithful! If you have something
confidential to discuss (najaytum) with the envoy, then prior to your
confidential discussion (najwakum) pay some alms in anticipation.' So the najwa
was a fee that the followers had to pay for being introduced into the secret
assembly.
Ibn al-Tuwayri (d. 617/1220) describes the preparation of
the text of the majalis differently. According to him as quoted by Makrizi
(Ibid.), 'The Ismaili theologians, housed in Dar al-Hikmah, met on Monday and
Thursday and agreed on the text of a booklet called majalis al-hikmah. A clean
copy was brought to the Chief Dai, who after checking it, presented it on to
the Caliph. If possible, the Caliph read it; at any rate he put his signature
on it. The Chief Dai then read the lectures in the palace in two different
places - for men, sitting on the chair of the dawat in the great hall, for
women, in his own audience-chamber. After the lecture the believers came up to
kiss the hand of the Chief Dai, who stroked their heads with the booklet, so
that the signature of the Caliph touched their heads.'
It must be known that the majalis al-hikmah were interrupted
in 400/1010 for some reasons. It was reopened very soon, but cancelled once
again in 401/1010. It was again interrupted for the third time at the end of
the year 405/1015 after the nomination of Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Awam as a
chief qadi. Heinz Halm however writes in 'The Ismaili Oath of Allegiance and
the Sessions of Wisdom in Fatimid Times' (cf. 'Mediaeval Ismaili History and
Thought' (New York, 1996, p. 107) that, 'We fail to learn precisely what the
reasons were, but this closure seems to be connected with the Druze trouble,
which began about this time.' Al-Hakim however bestowed the title of chief dai
on Khuttakin al-Dayf, entrusting him with the control of the room, so that it
was used for the customary proceedings. Later, he also granted him the title of
al-Sadiq al-amin. Ibn Muyassar writes in 'Akhbar al-Misr' (pp. 166-7) that,
'Khuttakin al-Dayf subsequently proved to be the most embittered opponent of the
Druzes. When the followers of Hamza and those of Khuttakin met, they cursed
each other.'
Heinz Halm concludes that, 'So it is quite possible that
al-Hakim had the majalis closed either in agreement with the Ismaili dais or
yielding to their pressure, in order to forestall the appearance of the Druze
dissidents among them' (Ibid).
Ismaili History 559 - Ibn al-Haytham
Sami Hamarneh writes in 'Medicine and Pharmacy under the
Fatimids' (cf. 'Ismaili Contribution to Islamic Culture' ed. by Seyyed Hossein Nasr,
Tehran, 1977, p. 163) that, 'It seems plausible to speculate that the
generosity of al-Hakim towards scholars and scientists had attracted the
migration to Fatimid Egypt of eminent figure, Abu Ali Muhammad bin al-Hasan bin
al-Haytham (Latin Alhazen) of Basra in southern Iraq.'
Ibn al-Haytham (354-429/965-1039), the greatest physicist
was born in Basra, and was originally appointed to a civil post at Basra. He
was avidly consumed by the desire to learn mathematics and philosophy, for
which he could not get spare time in his post, therefore, he feigned madness
and was dismissed as a result from the post. Our informations about his
pre-Egyptian days are deficient, but according to a few accounts of his life,
it is known that he managed to leave Basra in order to proceed to Egypt, where
he had been invited by the Fatimid Imam al-Hakim.
It must be known on this juncture that in the summer
following the rainy reason, the Nile river and the canals overflew with water,
causing millions of tons of fertile silt, containing phosphoric acid, potash
and nitrogen. But in the winter, the level of water fell down, making the
cultivation of the crops impossible, and in annual inundation it used to cause
devastation of life and property. With his brilliant mind, the famous physicist
and the founder of the science of optics, Abu Ali Muhammad bin al-Hasan bin
al-Haytham came to the conclusion in Iraq that if some of the surplus water
available immediately after the rains, could be stored, not only could it be
used in the dry season for more cultivation of land, but it would also help to
prevent the periodic flood inflicting heavy damage. According to Ibn Abi
Usaibia (d. 668/1270) in his 'Uyn al-Anba fi tabakat al-Attiba' (2nd vol., p.
91), Ibn al-Haytham had also claimed that, 'Had I been in Egypt I could have
done something to regulate the Nile, so that the people could derive benefit at
its ebb and flow.' Thus, he prepared a plan to build a three-way embankment dam
near Aswan for harnessing the Nile waters, and sent his report to al-Hakim. He
even suggested for a site near Aswan where the river emerged from a gorge into
the flat country. Haidar Bammate writes in 'Muslim Contribution to
Civilization' (Lahore, 1981, p. 21) that, 'Al-Haytham was the first to advocate
the construction of a dam at Aswan to raise the level of the Nile.'
Al-Hakim was deeply impressed when he received the outline
of the project and sent one of his emissaries with adequate funds to Ibn al-
Haytham in Basra and invited him to Cairo. He readily accepted the royal
invitation and after a short stay in Cairo, he was sent up the river with a
large sum of money and retinue of workers. He undertook the journey to Aswan,
which is situated at a distance of over 400 miles to the south of Cairo as the
crow flies. He inspected the site at Aswan and came to the conclusion that such
a colossal scheme of works was not feasible under the working conditions.
According to Ibn Abi Usaibia, 'He saw the pyramids at first glance and became
awed by the engineering and geometrical skills of the ancients. Had it been
possible he thought, the ancient Egyptians must have done it before.' (op.
cit., 2nd vol., p. 91). Having realized the enormous magnitude of the project,
he failed to execute it with the technical means he had at his disposal.
Instead therefore of undertaking the start-up of the projected dam, he returned
to Cairo and confessed to al-Hakim his sheer unability to go ahead with the
proposed plan.
Al-Hakim assigned him some office pertaining to revenue, but
he is said to have feigned madness, and retired to a place near al-Azhar
university. Different stories have been advanced to discredit the personality
of al-Hakim in this context. Prof. Abdul Ghafur writes in 'Ibn al-Haitham' (cf.
'Ibn al-Haitham', Karachi, 1970, pp. 111-2) that, 'From this, it should be
obvious that, even after Ibn al- Haitham's inability to go ahead with the plan
for construction of the dam at Aswan, al-Hakim had considerable respect for Ibn
al- Haitham. It might be that there were monetary difficulties involved in the
implementation of the scheme or some other snag. However, the reputation of Ibn
al-Haitham remain unscathed in this affair. The plea of insanity was not new to
Ibn al-Haitham. He had used this subterfuge once before at Basra. It is therefore
plausible to assume that he adopted this ruse in order to devote himself to
studies. Qifti, Baihiqi and Ibn Abi Usaibia unanimously held that Ibn
al-Haitham was a self-contented person and devoid of avarice or worldly
self-aggrandizment.'
Baihiqi however wrongly narrates in his 'Timat al-Sawan
al-Hikmat' that Ibn al-Haytham steathily left Cairo at the dead night and lived
in Syria. This narration contradicts the established fact that he lived in
Cairo till his death. The story of the flight of Ibn al- Haytham from Cairo for
fear of execution by al-Hakim is the fabrication of the historians. Had he
known of his murder, he would have fled from Aswan and never came to Cairo. He
however spent the last 19 years of his life in scientific pursuits and experimental
research under the shadow of the domes and arches of al-Azhar university, and
composed almost 209 books on mathematics, astronomy, physics, philosophy and
medicine of which the most celebrated is his 'Kitab al-Manazir' (treatise on
optics), which was translated into Latin by Witelo in 1270 and published by
Frederick Risner in 1572 at Basel. This was the first comprehensive treatise on
optics in the world and immensely influenced the writings of Witelo, Peckham,
Roger Bacon, Leonardo de Vinici and John Kepler. He is the first to have
discussed the anatomy of the eye. He also discussed the propagation of light
and colours, optic illusions and reflection, with experiments for testing the
angles of incidence and reflection. Theorically he had almost discovered
magnifying lenses through his experiments, which came into existence in Italy
three centuries later. For the first time Ibn al-Haytham offered a correct
explanation for the apparent increase in the size of the sun and the moon when
near the horizon. His another remarkable achievement is his employment of the
camera obscura.
Another notable figure was Ali bin Yunus, the great
mathematician and astronomer, who invented pendulum and the sun-dial, for whom
al- Hakim had the observatory built on Jabal al-Muqattam.
Hence Dar al-Hikmah became a leading academy of Islamic
learning for the intellectualists. Dr. Amir Hasan Siddiqui writes in 'Cultural
Centres of Islam' (Karachi, 1970, p. 62) that, 'Al-Hakim was personally
interested in astrological calculations; he built on al-Muqattam an observatory
to which he often rode before dawn on his grey ass. An informant of the
contemporary historian Ibn Hammad (d. 628/1230) saw the astrolabe-like copper
instrument erected by al-Hakim on two towers and measured one of its signs of
the Zodiac, which was three spans in length.'
It is also learnt that al-Hakim had stroke his interest in
collecting the old relics. Zakir Hussain writes in 'Tarikh-i Salatin Fatimiyya'
(Jabalpur, 1938, p. 87) that, 'In 400/1010, al-Hakim sent Hamiduddin Kirmani to
Medina with instructions that he should there find a house, which had belonged
to his ancestor, Jafar Sadik, and to dig up in it some arms and books dealing
with Shiite doctrines, and to bring them to him. This he did, and found a Holy Koran,
a bed and some household goods.'
According to 'Encyclopaedia of World Art' (Rome, 1958, 5th
vol., p. 367) that, 'Rice correctly read the Arabic text carved on it, which
does not simply banal good wishes to the owner of the ewer as was previously
thought, but says that the ewer was made for the personal use of al-Hakim's
commander.'
It will be further interesting to note that Abul Kassim
Ammar bin Ali al-Mausili was the most important eye-surgeon in Cairo, and
acquired great prestige under the patronage of al-Hakim. He compiled
'al-Muntakhab fi ilm al-Ayn wa Mudawatiha bi'l Adwiya wal Hadid' in 400/1010.
It deals the anatomy and physiology of the eye, its diseases and treatment by
drugs and surgery. To avoid the dangers of using a breakable glass tube referred
to in Greek writings, Ammar invented a hollowed metallic needle used
successfully in cataract operations.
Ismaili History 560 - The origin of the Druzes
In 407/1016, an Iranian dai, named Muhammad bin Ismail
Nashtakin ad-Darazi came in Egypt, who professed the transmigration of souls.
He also preached the divinity of al-Hakim. He came from Bukhara to Cairo in
408/1017.
Finding no response he moved to Wadi al-Taymun, at the foot
of Mount Hermon in Lebanon and Jabal as-Summaq in Syria. He was first in the
public eyes being the founder of the Druze sect. In 410/1019, the Turks
soldiers of the Fatimids gathered and moved towards the houses of ad-Darazi and
his followers and surrounded them. Ad-Darazi and those with him, fortified
themselves in a house, fighting the besiegers from the roof and the wall. The
besiegers ravaged the house and killed about forty people with az-Darazi. About
the same time, another Iranian from Farghana, named Hasan al-Akhram also
appeared as using his influence to propagate the deity of al-Hakim, and found a
Druze sect about in 409/1018. He was also killed in his house just eight days
following his declaration.
The most famous however among them was Hamza bin Ali bin
Ahmad, born in 375/985 in Zawzan in Iran, whom the Druzes regard as their real
founder. He made public declaration of his doctrines in 408/1017, which is also
considered the Era of Hamza. He established himself in a mosque outside the
Nasr Gate of Cairo, inviting the people to confess his teachings and sent out
his missionaries to various parts of Egypt and Syria. The extreme to which the
followers of Hamza were prepared to go also increased.
Ibn Zafir (d. 613/1216) writes in 'al-Duwal al-Munqati'a'
(Cairo, 1972, pp. 52-3) that on 12th Safar, 410/June 19, 1019, a group of
Hamza's followers entered the congregational mosque of Amr in Fustat on
horseback and approached the Qadi Ibn Abi al-Awwam, who belonged to Hanbali
school of law. They handed him a letter from Hamza which began with these
formula:- 'In the name of al-Hakim, Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate.'
The provocation at the most important religious centre of Fustat cost Hamza's
followers their lives; they were killed by the people at the mosque.
In sum, both Hamza and ad-Darazi preached the divinity of
al-Hakim according to their own interpretations, but Hamza seems to have
cautious, intending to build a disciplined organisation. But, ad-Darazi created
such a stir that his name was affixed to the movement at large. He has been
given a title of 'guide of the faithful' (hadi al-mustajibin) in the Druze
epistles.
The Druze historical accounts were written primarily to
explain theological and religious issues rather than to record history. The
Druze accounts were however written at a much later date, i.e., in the 16th and
17th centuries, such as 'Majra az-Zaman' by Taqi ad-Din Zayn al-Abidin Abdul
Gaffar in 16th century, and 'Umdat al-Arifin' by Abdul Malik al-Ashrafani in
17th century.
Following Hamza in rank and authority was Ismail bin
Muhammad al-Tamimi, the successor of Hamza. Then followed Muhammad bin Wahab
al- Qoraishi, Salma bin Abdul Wahab al-Samuri and finally came Ali bin Ahmad
al-Sammuqi. The five leaders embodied the five cosmic principles, and their
teachings were considered irrevocable and final. According to Philip K. Hitti,
the Druzes were a mixture of Iranians, Iraqi's and Persianised Arabs, vide 'The
Origin of the Druze People and Religion' (New York, 1928, p. 23). Martin
Sprengling, after analyzing each argument of this theory, criticised Hitti's
speculative assumption, and concludes that the Druzes were mixture of stocks in
which the Arabs component largely predominated, onto which was grafted an
original mountain population of Aramaic blood, vide 'The Berlin Druze Lexicon'
(American Journal of Semitic Language, 56, 1939, pp. 391-8).
The Druze movement became a main tool of the aggressive
historians to discredit al-Hakim and contrived baseless stories arount it. He
had however tried to control the Druzes in Egypt and Syria with drastic
measures, but most of them had migrated in the mountains of Lebanon.
Ibn al-Qalanisi (d. 555/1160), who usually follows the
reports of Ibn al-Sabi (d. 448/1056), does not mention any relation between al-
Hakim and the Druze leaders, nor al-Hakim's so called desire for divinity.
Makrizi also does not suggest that the Druze leaders were at any time
emboldened by al-Hakim. Makrizi however condemns Ibn Abi Tayy (d. 630/1232),
who seems to have been influenced by the account of Ibn al-Sabi by saying,
'This is extreme hostility which not one of the Egyptian historians has
mentioned.' ('Itti'az', p. 411) Ibn Khaldun writes in his 'Tarikh' (4th vol, p.
60) that, 'These are allegations which no man of intellect would contemplate.'
From Ibn al- Sabi comes the statement that al-Hakim desired to claim divinity
and employed a man, named al-Akhram to declare it. A contradiction of this
sharply appears in his own work when he says that al-Hakim prohibited his
subjects from prostrating before him or from kissing the ground or his hand when
they saw him. Kais M. Firro writes in 'History of the Druzes' (London, 1992, p.
15) that, 'In fact, however, neither the historical personalities of Hakim and
the unitarian dais nor the history of the Fatimid Caliphate as such have any
importance for the Druzes.' Kais Firro further writes, 'Others, comparing the
several versions given in the different chronicles, conclude that Hakim had no
wish to be considered divine and did not support or encourage the unitarian
dais.' (Ibid)
Al-Hakim was anxious to promulgate Ismailism throughout the
Muslim world and to convince the Muslims that he was the rightful Imam- Caliph.
If this was a difficult, it would be even more so to convince them that he was
an incarnation of the Divinity to boost his alleged claim. Al-Hakim's belief is
seen in a personal letter which he wrote to one of his officials: 'I fear no
one; beg from no one except my God to whom I submit and from whom I receive all
bounties. My Prophet is my grandfather; my Imam is my father and my religion is
sincerity and justice.' ('Itti'az', p. 403) Makrizi writes in his 'Khitat,' p.
286) that in 403/1012, al-Hakim had engraved on his seal these words: 'By the
help of God, the Almighty and Protector, the Imam Abu Ali is the victorious.'
Besides the preceding, if al-Hakim had supported the Druze
movement, he must have chosen one or both of the Druze leaders as official
members of the Ismaili dawa to emphasis their authority. The Druze teaches that
al-Hakim had no father or son. Contrary to it, al-Hakim claimed publicly that
his father was al-Aziz and himself a direct descent from Prophet Muhammad, vide
'Itti'az' (p. 386) by Makrizi. There is no evidence that al-Hakim had forced
the Muslims to pay jaziya being levied upon the non-Muslims. But according to
Druze teachings as mentioned in 'Bud al-Tawhid' (pp. 41-42) that all the
Muslims would have to pay jaziya if they refused to pay their creeds. The
Druzes claimed that al-Hakim had written many sijils (treatises), but it has
been to us a source of surprise that each sijil begins with the phrase: 'From
the slave of God' and ends with 'By the assistance of God.'
The Druze literatures however affirm that Hamza was
supported by al-Hakim and approved his teachings. But as A. Najjar in 'Mazhab
al- Druze wa al-Tawhid' (Cairo, 1965, p. 103) pointed out, 'there is no
substantial evidence to support such claims.' According to Antaki (d.
458/1065), 'When al-Hakim was informed about Druze's preaching, he was very
much angry.' (vide 'Tarikh-i Antaki,' p. 222) In Hamza's own writings there is
a passage in which he states that some of the people refused to accept his
teaching unless Al-Hakim's own signed mandate commanded them to do so.' (vide
'al-Rida wa al-Taslim', p. 20) The impartial readers should judge conclusively
how it is possible that a pious Imam-Caliph al-Hakim had made a claim for
divinity after reading the following descriptions of the Sunni historian
Makrizi who writes in his 'Khitat' (pp. 286-7) that, 'He gave orders that no
one was to kiss the ground in front of him, nor kiss his stirrup nor his hand
when greeting him in public processions, because bowing to the ground before a
mortal was an invention of the Greeks; that they should say no more than
'Greeting to the Commander of the Faithful, and the mercy and blessings of God
be upon him;' that in addressing him, whether in writing or in speech, they
should not use the formula 'May God pray for him,' but that in writing to him
they confine themselves to these words, 'The peace of God, His favour and the
abundance of His blessings upon the Commander of the Faithful;' that only the
customary invocation should be used for him, and no more; that the preachers at
the time of the Friday prayer should say no more than 'O God, bless Muhammad
Your Chosen One, give peace to the Commander of the Faithful Ali Your
Well-beloved. O God, give peace to the Commanders of the Faithful the forebear
of the Commanders of the Faithful. O God, give Your most precious peace to Your
servant and deputy (khalifa).' He forbade them to beat drums or to sound
trumpets around the palace, so that they marched around without drums and
trumpets. On the Id al-Fitr, al-Hakim rode on horseback to the place of prayer
without adornment, sumpter animals, or any pomp, save only ten led horses with
saddles and bridles adorned with light white silver, with plain flags and with
a white parasol without any golden adornment. He was dressed in white without
embroidery or gold braid; there were no jewels on his turban and no carpets on
his pulpit. He forbade people to curse the first Muslims and had those who
disobeyed flogged and publicly reviled. He prayed on the Feast of Sacrifice, as
he prayed on the Id al-Fitr, without any pomp. Abd al- Rahim bin Ilyas bin
Ahmad bin al-Mahdi performed the sacrifice for him. Al-Hakim often rode to the
desert outside the city. He wore plain sandals on his feet and a cloth on his
head.' Thus, if al-Hakim had supported Hamza or ad-Darazi, not doubt, it must
have been sounded in his personal life and in his activities as a ruler.
In the interim, al-Hakim wrote an urgent letter in 400/1009
to Hamiduddin Kirmani in Iraq with necessary instructions, so as to suppress
the Druze propaganda. His letter is cited in 'Damigh al-Batil' by Ali Muhammad
bin al-Walid (d. 612/1215), whose few lines read:- 'Keep up all my
prescriptions to you concerning the service of God. Keep alive the tradition of
our ancestor the Messenger of God, through the dawat to true tawhid. Urge the
believers to remain attached to all the obligations of religious practices, to
all the other obligations of their allegiance, and to the loyalty which is
incumbent upon them and which is written in the book of their deeds. And know
that our protection extends only to those who put into practice the Book of God
and the Tradition of the Messenger of God, and who serve God through their
devotion to us. Teach this to all of our friends (awliya) as our word.'
Thus, in refuting the Druze propaganda, Hamiduddin Kirmani
wrote several tracts. Addressing the Druze leader, Hasan al-Akhram al-
Farghani, he said, 'Amir al-mominin al-Hakim bi-Amrillah is no more than a
servant of God, obedient and subservient to Him. God has preferred him over the
rest of His creatures. And how can he be worshipped while he is of body and a
spirit endowed with necessary powers of eating and walking. He denies what you
and your followers ascribe to him. Nay, only God is worshipped to whom Amir
al-mominin bows in prayer.' (vide 'al-Risala al-Waiza', Cairo, 1951, pp.
21-28). Kirmani also quoted the Koranic verses (41:33, 37 and 3: 178-9) in
support of his arguments.
It is also necessary to mention that the official dais of
the Ismaili mission in Egypt declared that al-Hakim never supported or
authorized Hamza or any other extremist to preach such teaching. Special literature
and even official decrees (manshur) were circulated throughout the state to
emphasize this. For instance, 'al-Risala al-Waiza', 'al-Mabasim wa al-Bisharat'
and 'al-Risala al-Duriya' etc. were written and circulated to condemn the Druze
propaganda. Al-Musabbihi and Antaki says that immediately after the death of
al-Hakim, his son az-Zahir issued a decree (manshur) denouncing the claims of
the extremists.
Ismaili History 561 - Hamid ad-Din al-Kirmani
Ahmad bin Abdullah al-Kirmani, or Hamiduddin Kirmani was the
hujjat al-Iraqin (hujjat of Iraq and western Iran) during this period. His
family hailed from Kirman as his name indicates, but it is not known where he
was born. Through out the period of his mission activities, he kept in close
touch with Kirman as is shown in two of his letters dated 399/1008. In his
work, 'Kitab al-Kafiyah' he also refers to Kirman and its vicinity.
Ismaili History 562 - Death of al-Hakim
Al-Hakim had installed an astronomical observatory on Jabal
al- Muqattam, near Cairo for Ibn Younus. According to Ibn Khallikan, al- Hakim
went out late in the night of 27th Shawal, 411/February 13, 1021 to Jabal
al-Muqattam and did not return to the palace. A tracking party was sent out,
who found an ass on the top of the hill with its forelegs hacked off. Blood
marks on the ground led to a spot, where they found al-Hakim's clothes pierced
by daggers and buttoned up, and as such his death was officially declared on
10th Zilhaja, 411/April 4, 1021. The Druzes however believed that al-Hakim did
not die but disappeared, anticipating his return on dooms-day. He died at the
age of 36 years and 7 months after the Imamate and Caliphate of 25 years and 1
month. Makrizi (2nd vol., p. 290) quotes one other tradition about al-Hakim's
death on the authority of Abul Mahsin that in 415/1025, a man from Imam
Hussain's family had been arrested after raising up rebellion in the southern
part of upper Egypt. He confessed that it was he who had killed al-Hakim. He
said that there were four accomplices of the crime, and that they afterwards
fled to different parts. He also showed a piece of cotton with which he had
been clothed.
Imam al-Hakim had two sons, al-Harith (395-400/1004-1009)
and Ali Abul Hasan, surnamed az-Zahir. He had also a daughter, Sit al-Misr (d.
455/1063).
Muhammad bin Ali as-Suri (d. 488/1095) praises al-Hakim in
his poem (vide 'al-Qasida as-Suriyya,' ed. Arif Tamir, Damascus, 1955, p. 68)
in the following words:-
The perfect resides wholly in the ninth (Imam). In him the
parturition is accomplished, the coming to light is done. And the conceal and
hidden appear. In al-Hakim God established His Will in the world, and the
wisdom of the Just was realized.
Ismaili History 563 - AZ-ZAHIR (411-427/1021-1036)
He was born on 20th Ramdan, 395/June 4, 1005. His name was
Ali Abul Hasan, or Abu Ma'd, surnamed az-Zahir la-azaz dinallah (Assister in
exalting the religion of God). His mother Amina was the daughter of Abdullah,
the son of Imam al-Muizz. He acceded on the throne of Fatimid Caliphate and
Imamate on 411/1021 at the age of 16 years. On the occasion of his coronation,
a special payment in excess (fadl) of 20 dinars was granted to each soldier.
A black eunuch Midad began his career in the service of Sit
al-Mulk, the aunt of az-Zahir. She employed him as a teacher of az-Zahir. On
Friday, the 18th Safar, 415/May 1, 1024, az-Zahir invested Midad the honorific
title and named him Abul Fawaris. Later on, Midad was assigned the
administration of the affairs of the soldiers according to a long edict read publicly
in the palace.
Ismaili History 564 - Sit al-Mulk
Az-Zahir began his career under the tutelage of his aunt,
Sit al-Mulk (the lady of the state), also known as Sit al-Nasr, who was born in
359/980. During the first four years of az-Zahir's rule, the whole power was in
the hands of his aunt. The personnel of Sit al-Mulk in the administration
included both men and women. Abul Abbas Ahmad bin a-Maghribi, for example,
served as her agent, who was a man of laudable character and had already served
the mother of Sit al-Mulk in the same capacity. She also employed a slave girl
of her mother, named Takarrub, was her confidante. She also served as her
informant and handled the petitions submitted to her.
It is said that at the beginning of her regency, she managed
to summon Abdul Rahman bin Ilyas bin Ahmad, the great-grandson of Imam al-Mahdi
and the cousin of Imam al-Hakim, who had hatched rebellion against the Fatimids
at Damascus, and is reported to have made his contact with the Jarrahids of
Palestine to help him in his action. Sit al-Mulk made vizir Khatir al-Mulk,
Ammar bin Muhammad write a letter to Abdul Rahman. He had been arrested in
Cairo and imprisoned for some four years, then fell ill and died just three
days before Sit al- Mulk herself died in 416/1026.
Thus, she is reported to have wielded great influence over
the masses and directly participated in the state affairs, and remained quite
influential until her death in 416/1026. Ibn Khallikan (8th vol., p. 130)
writes that, 'She showed exceptional ability, especially in legal matters, and
made herself loved by the people.'
During these four years, the chief ministers changed in
quick succession and thus the administration could not acquire stability. After
the death of Sit al-Mulk, the principle power passed into the hands of a trio
from among the court nobles, who paid daily visit to the Imam for getting
decision on all important matters.
Ismaili History 565 - Fatimid decree against the Druzes
It appears from several Druze writings that Hamza and his followers
had contacted the chiefs of the Fatimid army and the tribal chiefs, asking them
to depose az-Zahir and declare Hamza as the successor of al-Hakim, vide
'Risalat al-Arab' (p. 561) and 'Taqlid Bani al-Jarrah' (p. 484). Another Druze
work, 'al-Ghaya wa al-Nasiha' (pp. 71-2) in this context makes az-Zahir as an
imposter who usurped the rights of Hamza. On the other hand, Makrizi speaks of
a Katami named, Ahmad bin Tatawa who arrived in Egypt in 415/1024 and claimed
to have come from Kufa where he had been in the company of al-Hakim (vide
'Itti'az', p. 415). He also claimed that al-Hakim had sent him as a messenger
to warn the people of their evils. Makrizi also mentions that a black servant
named Anbar, who worked as a porter in al- Hakim's court, met az-Zahir and
tried to convince him that his father was still alive and would return very
soon. It is also known that a certain person, called Suleman whose resemblance
to al-Hakim encouraged him to make an attempt to take power from az-Zahir. He
entered the royal palace with his men, declaring himself as the returning Imam.
His attempt was however foiled and was executed. In sum, the Druze propaganda
of al-Hakim's divinity appears to be merely a mean leading to the abolition of
the hereditary tradition of the Imamate, and open the door for non-Fatimids to
become Imams. It also led the other individuals to mint groundless tales for
al-Hakim.
Before the time, the propaganda became congenial for the
growth of the ambitions of the extremists, az-Zahir immediately issued an
official decree (manshur), calling for the extermination of the extremism with
iron hands from Anioch to Alexandria and Egypt. Yaacov Lev writes in 'State and
Society in Fatimid Egypt' (London, 1991, p. 36) that, 'He (az-Zahir) condemned
(in the official decree) those who adopted extreme views regarding the position
of the Imam, and those who went beyond the pale of Islam were cursed. The
regime took action against those who adhered to the view of God being
incarnated in al-Hakim; they were imprisoned and put to death.'
Accordingly, the amir of Antioch, aided by the amir of
Aleppo, suppressed the group of the Druzes in the Jabal as-Summaq in 423/1032,
which mostly included the peasants. In Alexandria, al-Mukana tried to maintain
Hamza's authority and encouraged the extremists in the Jabal as-Summaq after
their defeat. At length, al-Mukana himself also withdrew in 425/1034.
Ismaili History 566 - Reopening of Majalis al-Hikmah
It has been hitherto discussed the closure of the majalis
al-hikmah during the period of Imam al-Hakim. But it was evidently reopened by
his successor, az-Zahir. He conferred the office of the qadi and the mission in
the royal palace (bab al-khalifa) to Qadi Kassim bin Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad
bin an-Noman in 418/1027, ordering to take charge of the mission and the proper
guidance of the readings of the majalis al-hikmah and the spread of the science
of tawil among the followers. He also sent an edict in this context to all his
followers and also ordered the dais to read it out explicitly to the faithful
in their respective regions. According to 'Uyun'l-Akhbar' (6th vol., p. 315),
the edict of az-Zahir of 5th Shaban, 417/September 21, 1026 reads:- 'The gate
of wisdom was open until our Lord al-Hakim bi- Amrillah thought it right to
close it because of the prevailing circumstances and on political grounds
(bi-siyasti'l jumhur). But now, continues the edict, the conditions that
Commander of the Faithful has ordered the chief dai, Kassim bin Abdul Aziz bin
Muhammad bin an- Noman to open the gate of wisdom to those who long for it, and
to read the majalis again in the palace of the Caliphs as has been customary
there before.'
S.M. Stern has published a letter found in the Geniza of the
synagogue in Fustat, in which a certain dai addresses congratulation to Kassim
bin Abdul Aziz
Ismaili History 567 - Hasanak and the Fatimid khilat
Abu Ali Hasan bin Muhammad bin Abbas (d. 423/1032), known as
Hasanak had been in service of Mehmud of Ghazna since his childhood. He had
gradually risen to the position of a ra'is in Nishapur. In 414/1023, Hasanak
went on pilgrimage and allowed himself to be persuaded to return via Cairo and
there to accept a robe of honour (khil'a) from the Fatimid Imam az-Zahir. This
so offended the Abbasid caliph Kadir that he denounced him as an Ismaili and
demanded his execution. After his return to Ghazna, the Abbasid caliph insisted
Mehmud that he should have been executed. Mehmud clearly regarded the
accusation as unfounded, and went so far as to appoint Hasanak as his vizir in
416/1025 and appeased the Abbasid caliph by sending the robe of honour, and
presents received by Hasanak from the Fatimids, which had been burnt in
Baghdad. During the last six years of Mehmud's reign, Hasanak exerted a
remarkable influence over him, but seems to have opposed his son Masud and
supported the descendants of Masud's brother, called Muhammad. This brought
about his downfall after Mehmud's death in 421/1030. Hasanak was thus
immediately banished to Herat, accused of offending against Masud, and mainly
as a result of efforts by the finance minister, Abu Sahl Sawsani, tried on the
old charge of being an Ismaili. The Abbasid caliph Kadir also, evidently
offended that his wishes in 415/1024 had not been complied with, again
interfered. After a long trial, Hasanak was strangled in 423/1032 and his head
given in derision to his chief opponent Sawsani; his corpse remained tied to a
pillory for seven years.
Meanwhile, a terrible famine broke out in Egypt as a result
of a series of bad Niles, and the resultant distress lasted all through
416/1026 and 417/1027. In many cases the starving villages took to brigandage.
Even the pilgrims on their way through Egypt were attacked. Regulations were
passed to prevent the slaughter of cattle. The camels were scarce as many were
killed because it was impossible to provide them with food, and poultry could
hardly be procured. The royal treasury was practically depleted, for it was
impossible to collect taxes.
Imam az-Zahir once on that perilous time was passing through
Fustat when going to one of his palaces. Everywhere he encountered starving,
shouting people who cried out: 'Hunger, O' Amir al-mominin! hunger. Neither
your father nor your grandfather did such things to us. In the name of God, to
God we entrust our affair.' These cries reflected the feeling that the regime
had mishandled the situation. The Imam took its serious notice on the spot, and
arranged to distribute food for them, and assured the people to take actions.
On the same day, Ibn Dawwas, the market inspector was summoned to the palace;
he was accused of causing the famine and blamed for bringing the town to the
verge of violent outburst. The people rebuked him and said: 'A document in your
handwriting is evidence on your part, which serves against you that you
undertook upon yourself to provide the town with bread and wheat until the time
of the new harvest.' Following this conversation, the millers were permitted to
buy wheat from granaries (makaazin) at a fixed price of one tillis (one tillis
was equivalent to 67.5 kg.) for 2.5 dinars, and the price of a load of flour
was determined at 4 dinars. The price of bread was fixed at two and half ratls
for dhiram. The prices established by the market inspector were considerably
lower than those of the free market. The same was applied to bread, following
the sealing of the granaries, two ratls of black bread were sold for 1.5
dhiram. These swift measures brought great deal of relief. Further punitive
actions were taken by the market inspectors against several flour merchants
(qammahun), including a prominent member of the trade.
Later in a year, however, there was a good inundation,
called ziyadat al-nil (the plentiude of the Nile) and this restored plenty, so
that the country was once more under normal conditions and order was restored.
Ismaili History 568 - Fatimid decrees
During the period of az-Zahir, the Fatimid chancery (diwan
al-insha) issued two decrees (manshur) dated 415/1024 to the monks and the
Karaite Jewish community in Cairo, reflecting the Fatimid diplomatic and
chancery practice. In the first decree, az-Zahir granted privileges to the
fresh petition (ruqa) of the monks, confirming the former decrees of Imam
al-Muizz, Imam al-Aziz and Imam al-Hakim, dated Muharram, 415/March-April,
1024. This decree was published by Richard J.H. Gottheil in the Festschrift for
A. Harkavy in 1908., whose Arabic text and translation is published by S.M.
Stern in 'Fatimid Decrees' (London, 1964, pp. 15-20), and it runs as under:-
'You, the Copt monks, have submitted to the Commander of the
Faithful a petition in which you enumerated the privileges granted to you in
the past, namely that your cultivation, and there should be exacted from you
no...assistance in war, or going out...; that those of your monks, who go out
to your estates in order to obtain there their livlihood and transact the
business of those of you whom they have left behind, be dealt with honourably;
that you should not be obliged to pay, in respect of supplies carried by
Christians and other similar things, customs and fines, little or much; that
you safely enjoy your fields, crops and working-beasts; that if a monk of yours
dies outside your monasteries while he is travelling in the Rif or elsewhere on
your business, all his property which he leaves be not interfered with but
revert to his brethren in monachal life with the exclusion of relatives and
blood-relations other than they; and that the Imam al-Muizz li-Din Allah and
the Imam al-Aziz billah and the Imam al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah had ordered the writing
of decrees confirming all this to you. You then asked for the writing of a
decree to renew all that the Imams had granted to you, to confirm the
protection which they had extended to all of you and to observe these bonds and
engagements due to you. The Commander of the Faithful has therefore ordered
that this open decree, to deal with you according to that text and in
conformity with the explanation which you have penned, be written and that it
remain in your hands as a proof thereof, lasting through the passing of days
and periods, so that no one dare interfere with you by way of measures
imparting the efficacy of this bounty or invent an interpreation for it to turn
it away from its intention; and that there be kept away from you.
Let all-our friends, governors, financial and taxation
officials and all the other servants and employees of the empire according to
their different states and several ranks who read this, or to whom this is
read, take cognizance of this order and command of the Commander of the
Faithful and act accordingly and in conformity with it, if God wills. Written
in Muharram, the year Four hundred and Fifteen. May God bless our ancestor
Muhammad, the seal of the prophets and lord of the messengers, and his pure
family, the right-guided Imams, and give them peace. God is sufficient for us;
how excellent a Keeeper is He.'
Another like decree of az-Zahir concerning the Karaite and
Rabbanite Jews, dated 415/1024 is also published by S.M. Stern, vide pp. 24-28.
In 418-9/1028-9, az-Zahir was able to make a treaty with the
Greek emperor, Costantine III. It was agreed that the Fatimid Caliph should be
prayed for in the khutba in every mosque in the Byzantine dominions, and
permission was granted for the restoration of the mosque at Constantinopole,
which had been ruined in retaliation for the destruction of the church of the
Resurrection in Jerusalam. Az-Zahir on his part agreed to permit the rebuilding
of the church at Jerusalam.
In the meantime, the attacks which the Sicilian launched on
the Byzantine coasts were reinforced by the Fatimids. The Byzantine force
commanded by the general George Maniaces was badly defeated. In his
negotiations with the Fatimid Imam az-Zahir in 423/1032, the emperor Romanus
III Argyrus (968-1034) however expressly demanded that the Fatimids should not
aid the Sahib Sikilliyya in the campaign against Byzantine.
Sicily became virtually independent of the Fatimids. The
Kalbid governors confined themselves to accepting retrospective investiture
from Cairo. They have cemented their close ties with the Zirids, whose
suzernaity the Sicilian recognized in 427/1036. Until the time of az- Zahir and
even under his successor, the Sicilian coins however bore the name of the
Fatimid Caliph.
The Fatimid power in Syria was seriously impugned at the
time of az-Zahir's accession, but it was soon altered by the ability and
enterprise of Anushtagin ad-Dizbiri. His first important action was against
Saleh bin Mirdas, the Arab chiefain who had taken Aleppo from Murtada and had
now established himself as an independent prince. In the interim, the Jarrahid
Hassan bin Mufraj was once again on revolt in 415/1024 and executed a pact of
new alliance with the Kalbid Sinan bin Suleman and the Kilabid Saleh bin
Mirdas. According to this pact, Damascus was given to Sinan bin Suleman, Aleppo
to Saleh bin Mirdas and Palestine to Hassan bin Mufraj. These allies at first
defeated the Fatimid forces at Askalan. After the death of Sinan bin Suleman,
the Kalbids rallied to the side of the Fatimids, enabling the Fatimid commander
Anushtagin ad-Dizbiri to inflict defeat to the joint forces of Hassan bin
Mufraj and Saleh bin Mirdas at Uqhuwana in Palestine in 420/1030. Saleh bin
Mirdas had been killed in the encounter, and Hassan bin Mufraj took refuge amongst
the Greeks. Due to an effectual effort of Anushtagin, the rebels were subdued
and Aleppo had been captured from the Mirdasids in 429/1038, thus the Fatimid
domination was restored in Syria.
Ismaili History 569 - Sulayhid dynasty in Yamen
Yamen was the original base of the Fatimid propaganda, where
Ibn Hawshab had formed an Ismaili state in 268/882. Long after his death, the
political power slipped away from the hands of the Ismailis, but their mission
continued actively. During the period of az-Zahir, the headship of the Yamenite
mission had come to be vested in a certain dai Suleman bin Abdullah al-Zawahi,
a learned and influential person residing in the mountainous region of Haraz.
He made a large conversion and wished to re-establish the political power of
the Ismailis in Yamen. It is said that a certain Hamdani chieftain, named Ali
bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi, the son of the qadi of Haraz, once came to lead the
pilgrim caravans to Mecca, and had learnt much about Ismaili doctrines from
Suleman and espoused Ismailism. Ali took a leading part in the mission works in
Yamen and became the assistant of Suleman, who chose him as his successor. Ali
bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi generated his close contact with az-Zahir and the
mission headquarters in Cairo.
In 429/1038, during the period of Imam al-Mustansir billah,
Ali bin Muhammad captured Mount Masar in Haraz to the north of Yamen, and
fortified it, whom he made his centre. This marked the foundation of the
Sulayhid dynasty, which ruled over Yamen as a vassal of the Fatimids for almost
a century until 532/1138. He obtained support from the Hamdani, Humayri and
other petty tribes of Yamen and instituted the Fatimid khutba everywhere. His
further detail will run hereinafter.
We have discussed previously that Fatik, the governor of
Aleppo had declared himself as an independent ruler on the eve of the death of
Imam al-Hakim. Later on, Fatik admitted his mistakes and apologized from
az-Zahir and Sit al-Mulk. In 413/1022, Badr, the commander of the stronghold of
Aleppo had killed Fatik. In the following year, az-Zahir expelled Badr from
Aleppo and appointed Abdullah bin Ali bin Jafar al-Katami as the governor of
Aleppo and Safi ad-Dawla to administer the command of the stronghold.
During the later part of az-Zahir's rule, the Fatimid
influence had become supreme in Palestine and Syria, save only in the few
northern districts which remained subject to the Greek empire. It seemed indeed
to be the triumph of the Fatimids.
Ali bin Suleman was a pioneer physician, philosopher, mathematician
and an astronomer, who died during the early part of the Imamate of az- Zahir.
Unfortunately, his works are lost; these included two important compendiums
mentioned by their titles in the literature: a synopsis of 'Kitab al-Hawi fi'l
Tibb' by Abu Bakr Muhammad bin Zakaria ar-Razi (d. 313/925) of Iran, and a book
on professional aphorism, ethics, experiences, anecdotes and properties of
natural products compiled from the writing of the ancient sages. Ibn Abi
Usaibia (d. 668/1270) explains in 'Uyun al-Anba fi tabakat al-Attiba' (2nd
vol., pp. 89-90) that he had seen a copy of this latter work in four volumes,
wherein the author mentioned that he started this compilation at Cairo in
391/1000.
In Cairo, Abu Sa'ad Ibrahim (d. 440/1048) was a famous Jewish
dealer in very rare and precious things and made long journey to acquire them.
Imam az-Zahir used to be a frequent customer of Abu Sa'ad, from whom he bought
antiques for his personal collections.
It should be remembered that the Fatimids made great contribution
in the rock-crystal works in various forms, mostly developed during the time of
Imam az-Zahir, such as ewers, bottles, cups, saucers, boxes, chessmen and
flasks of different shapes. One of these interesting piece is preserved in
crescent shape work in the Germanisches National Museum in Nurnberg. It was
originally used as an ornament for one of the horses of az-Zahir, whose name is
inscribed on it. There are also another rock-crystal mugs in the collections of
Lourvre, Venice, Vienna and Prague; belonging to the period of Imam az-Zahir.
The period under review is also noted for an Ismaili
scientist, Abu Ali Ibn Sina, whose biography has been given in Appendix II.
It must be remembered on that juncture that it was az-Zahir
who, in 421/1030 and again in 424/1033 rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem which had
collapsed following an earthquake. He was also responsible for rebuilding the
Aqsa Mosque and the repair of its mosaics.
In 427/1036, az-Zahir was detained some time by sickness. He
was taken to Maks, then the port of Cairo, where he died on the 15th of Shaban,
427/June 13, 1036, leaving the Caliphate and Imamate to his son, al-Mustansir,
then a child of seven years of age.
Ismaili History 570 - AL-MUSTANSIR (427-487/1036-1095)
He was born in Cairo on 16th Jamada II, 420/July 2, 1029,
who eight months afterwards was declared to succeed his father. His name was
Ma'd Abu Tamim, surnamed al-Mustansir billah (Imploring the help of God). He
ascended on 15th Shaban, 427/June 13, 1036 at the age of 7 years. During the
early years, the state affairs were administered by his mother. His period of
Caliphate lasted for 60 years, the longest of all the caliphs, either in Egypt
or elsewhere in Islamic states.
Ali bin Ahmad Jarjarai, an able vizir, whose period was one
of the prosperity in Egypt, died in 436/1044. He was followed by Ibn al-Anbari
and Abu Mansur Sadaqa, but none of them were competent. In 442/1050, there came
forward a capable vizir Abu Muhammad Hasan bin Abdur Rehman Yazuri, who held
the office for 8 years, and was an earnest reformer. He was followed by about
40 vizirs one after another during 15 years (450-466/1058-1073), but none
equated him, because they squandered the royal treasury.
Between 457/1065 and 464/1072, the famine made the condition
of Egypt from bad to worse. Meanwhile, in 454/1062 and again in 459/1067, the
struggle between the Turkish and Sudanese soldiery deteriorated into open
warfare, ending in a victory for the Turks and their Berber allies. The Berbers
in lower Egypt delibrately aggravated the distress by ravaging the country,
destroying the embankments and canals, and seeking every way to reduce the
capital and the neighbouring districts by sheer starvation. Makrizi sees in
this incident the beginning of the crisis in Egypt, which he refers by the
appellations, disorder (fitna), civil war (al-shidda al-mashhura), corruption
of state (fasad ad-dawla) and days of calamity and dearth (ayyam al-shidda wal
ghala).
In al-Mustansir's stable where there had been ten thousand
animals there were now only three thin horses, and his escort once fainted from
hunger as it accompanied him through the streets. As long as the calamity
lasted, al-Mustansir alone possessed a horse, and, when he rode out, the
courtiers followed on foot, having no beast to carry them. The condition of the
country deteriorated with the protracted famine that followed by plague, and
the whole districts were absolutely denuded of population and house after house
lay empty.
Meanwhile, the Turkish mercenaries had drained the treasury,
the works of art and valuables of all sorts in the palace were sold to satisfy
their demands; often they themselves were the purchasers at merely nominal
prices and sold the articles again at a profit. Emeralds valued at 300,000
dinars were bought by one Turkish general for 500 dinars, and in one fortnight
of the year 460/1068 articles to the value of 30,000,000 dinars were sold off
to provide pay for the Turks. The precious library which had been rendered
available to the public and was one of the objects for which many visited Cairo
was scattered, the books were torn up, thrown away, or used to light fires. At
length, the Turks began fighting amongst themselves. Nasir ad-Dawla, the
Turkish general of the Fatimid army, had attacked the city which was defended
by the rival faction of the Turkish guard and, after burning part of Fustat and
defeating the defenders, he entered as conqueror. When he reached the palace,
he found al-Mustansir lodged in rooms which had been stripped bare, waited on
by only three slaves, and subsisting on two loaves which were sent him daily by
the daughters of Ibn Babshand, the grammarian. The victorious Turks dominated
Cairo, held the successive vizirs in subjection, treated al-Mustansir with
contempt, and used their power to deplete the treasury by enhancing their pay
to nearly twenty times its former figure. After this victory over the unhappy
city, Nasir ad-Dawla became so over-bearing and tyrannical in his conduct that
he provoked even his own followers, and so at legnth he was assassinated in
466/1074. But this only left the city in a worse condition than ever, for it
was now at the mercy of the various Turkish factions which behaved no better
than troops of brigands. In sum, the condition of Egypt continued to rage with
unabated violence.
Mention should be made on this juncture of the Byzantine
emperor Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055), who had maintained a friendly
relation with al-Mustansir and had provided Egypt with wheat after the above
mentioned famine.
Ismaili History 571 - Arrival of Badr al-Jamali
At this desperate juncture when these troubles were brewing,
al-Mustansir was roused to action and sent a message to Badr al-Jamali, the
then governor of Acre, inviting him to come to Egypt and take control. Badr
al-Jamali responded swiftly. Originally an Armenian slave of the Syrian amir,
Jamaluddin bin Ammar, he had a successful career as soldier and governor in
Syria. His Armenian soldiers were loyal and reliable and he insisted on taking
them with him to Egypt. Sailing from Acre in the mid-winter, he landed at
Damietta and entered Cairo on 28th Jamada I, 466/January 29, 1074. Badr
al-Jamali took the charge and dealt the state affairs efficiently. The swift
and energetic actions of Badr al-Jamali brought peace and security to Egypt,
and even measure of prosperity. The annual revenue was increased from about
2,000,000 to 3,00,000 dinars. It is true that his efforts were greatly assisted
by the fact that the year 466/1074 saw an exceptionally good Nile, so that prosperity
and abundance once more reigned through the land.
The foremost priority being given by al-Mustansir was to
rebuild the library devasted by the Turks. De Lacy O'Leary writes in 'A Short
History of the Fatimid Khalifate' (London, 1923, p. 207) that, 'It is
interesting to note that the Khalif set himself to the formation of a new
library at Cairo as one of his first tasks; it helps us to realize that the
Shiites were then as always the friends of learning.'
In sum, Badr al-Jamali was invested the triple title, viz.
Amir al-Juyush (commander of the army), Badi al-Duat (director of the
missionaries) and the Vizir. It is however by the first of these three titles
that he is usually known.
Ismaili History 572 - Fatimid khutba in Baghdad
In 447/1055, the Turk, Tughril Beg was recognized in Baghdad
as the sultan and lieutenant of the Abbasid caliph. He drove away the Iranian
soldiers from Baghdad to Syria. They assembled round Abu Harith al-Basasari,
who was propagating the Fatimid mission. Meanwhile, Ebrahim Niyal rebelled in
Mosul against Tughril Beg, who himself set out to crush the revolt. The absence
of Tughril Beg from Baghdad gave a chance to al-Basasari to advance and capture
Baghdad, which he did successfully in 450/1058 and recited the Fatimid khutba
in the cathedral mosque of Baghdad. He also sent the royal throne, robes,
pulpit and the staff to al-Mustansir in Cairo. The expelled Abbasid caliph took
refuge with an Arab amir for one year.
After subduing the rising of his brother, Tughril Beg turned
back to Baghdad with a large army. When he reached near Baghdad, al-Basasari
did not come into confrontation, and began to evacuate the city on other side
with his close associates. Tughril Beg thus entered the city without any
opposition and reinstated the Abbasid caliphate after a year on 6th Zilkad,
451, December 14, 1059. He sent a detachment to pursue al-Basasari, who was
slain in the ensuing fighting.
Maghrib was the original abode and the base of the
foundation of the Fatimid Caliphate, whose chief in the time of al-Mustansir
was al-Muizz bin Badis, the fourth Zirid ruler. He was a Malikite and
persecuted the Shiites. It is also related that the relations between him and
the Fatimid vizir were strained, whereupon in 436/1044, al-Muizz bin Badis proclaimed
Malikism in Maghrib, and recited the Abbasid khutba from 440/1048, resulting
the whole Maghrib gone away from the Fatimid occupation in 442/1050.
It is related that al-Muizz bin Badis returned briefly later
on in 446/1055 to the allegiance of the Fatimids. In the meantime, the vizir
Yazuri had convinced al-Mustansir that he would punish the disloyal al-Muizz
bin Badis. Thus, the vizir encouraged a number of bedouin tribes to advance
towards Maghrib. The bedouins at the command of Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym,
took possession of Barqa and proceeded into the territories of the Maghrib.
They inflicted defeat to the Zirids in 443/1052 and pillaged the towns and
gained rich booty. These bedouins, being reinforced by new arrivals, gradually
penetrated Maghrib, whose operation is known as the Hilali Invasion. In
449/1057, al-Muizz bin Badis had to evacuate his capital, Kairwan and sought
refuge in Mahdiya, then governed by his son, Tamim bin al-Muizz (454-
501/1062-1108). In sum, the Zirids were divided into petty rules in Maghrib.
The last Zirid ruler, al-Hasan bin Ali was driven out of Mahdiya in 543/1148 by
Roger II, the Sicilian emperor.
It must be known that the Karakhanid dynasty sprang from the
ruling house of the Karluk Turks who originally belonged to the steppes of
Central Asia, and whose founder was Satuk Bughra Khan. He embraced Islam and
assumed the Islamic name Abdul Karim. He reigned from Kashghar and Talas over
the western wing of his people. His grandson Hasan Bughra Khan occupied for a
while the Samanid capital of Bukhara, which was taken over by Ilig Nasr of
Ozkend in 389/999. The Fatimid dais had continued their mission in Bukhara,
Samarkand and western Farghana. In 436/1045, a bulk of the converted Ismailis,
who recognized the Imamate of al-Mustansir, had been killed in the territories
of the Karkhanid rule, impelling the dais to adopt strict taqiya.
In 482/1089, Ahmad Khan bin Khizr (473-482/1081-1089),
another Karakhanid ruler of Bukhara, Samarkand and western Farghana, was
accused by the Sunni zealot, called Abu Tahir bin Aliyyak, of having embraced
Ismailism. He had been deposed and executed due to the hootest opposition of
the ulema.
Ismaili History 573 - Al-Muayyad fid-din ash-Shirazi
Al-Muayyad fid-din Abu Nasr Hibatullah bin Abi Imran Musa
bin Daud ash-Shirazi was an outstanding dai, orator, prolific writer, poet and
politician. He was born in 390/1000 at Shiraz. His father, tracing his link
from a Daylami Ismaili family was also a dai with some influence in the Buwahid
orbits of Fars. In one of poems he narrates in his 'Diwan al-Muayyad' (poem no.
4) that, 'I wish I should get a chance to offer my life as a sacrifice for you,
O my Lord. My forefathers and myself have been living in comforts under your
patronage and we have never swerved an inch from our devotion to you.'
In 429/1037, when al-Muayyad was 39 years old, he received
quick promotions in his service as a chief dai of Shiraz and then the hujjat
for the whole Iran. He joined the service of the Buwahid Abu Kalijar
al-Marzuban (d. 440/1048) at Shiraz. He soon converted Abu Kalijar and many of
his Daylami troops. It resulted in court intrigues and a harsh Sunni reaction
against him. The Abbasids also insisted on his exile from Iran. Al-Muayyad was
therefore obliged to migrate from Shiraz in 438/1046 and reached Cairo next
year. He came into the contact of the chief dai al-Kassim bin Abdul Aziz bin
Muhammad bin Noman, the great-grandson of Qadi Noman. He had his first audience
with al- Mustansir in Cairo a few months later in Shaban, 439/February, 1048.
He also procured his close ties with vizir Yazuri, who entrusted him with a
section of the Fatimid chancery (diwan al-insha) in 440/1048. He gives the
following description of his visit to the Imam in 'as-Sirat al-Muayyadiyah'
that, 'I was taken near the place wherefrom I saw the bright light of the
Prophethood. My eyes were dazzled by the light. I shed tears of joy and felt as
if I was looking at the face of the Prophet of God and of the Commander of the
Faithful, Ali. I prostrated myself before the one who is the fittest person to
bow to. I wanted to say something but I was awe-struck.'
Al-Mustansir deputed him in 447/1055 on a mission to the
Syrian amirs, and notably to Abu Harith al-Basasari with an army of 3000 Arab
troops. Al-Muayyad wrote an impassioned qasida on the occasion of the Fatimid
occupation of Baghdad. He returned to Cairo in 449/1058, shortly before
al-Basasari finally captured Baghdad and had the Fatimid khutba recited.
Al-Muayyad's status before al-Mustansir was as high as that
of Salman al-Fars before the Prophet Muhammad. In one of his poems he says:-
law kuntu asartu al-nabiyyi Muhammadan
ma kuntu uqassiru an mada Salmanihi
wa la qala anta min ahl-i-baiti mu'linan
qawlan yakshifu an wuduhi bayanihi
'Had I lived in the days of the Prophet, my position before
him would have been, in no way less important than that of Salman. He would
have said to me in unequivocal terms, you are a member of my family' (Ibid.
poem no. 38).
He was elevated as the head of the mission, Bab al-Abwab in
450/1058, and later the supervisor of Dar al-Hikmah in 454/1062. He lodged in
the chamber of Dar al-Hikmah and directed the affairs of the Fatimid mission,
and was in close contact with the dais as far as in Yamen and India. The
learned divines of his time who had left behind the treasures of their masterly
works on Ismailism were his pupils. Even the great genius of the type of Nasir
Khusaro and Hasan bin Sabbah were his pupils. Nasir Khusaro speaks of
al-Muayyad in the following words:- 'O Nasir, God has opened a new world of
wisdom for you through the teaching of Khwaja al-Muayyad. When he stood on the
pulpit to deliver his sermon to the people, intellect was ashamed of its
insignificance. He turned my dark nights into bright days by his illuminating
arguments. I picked up a particle from his vast wealth of knowledge and I found
the revolving heaven under my feet. He showed me in myself both the worlds
visible and invisible. I saw the guardian of paradise who said to me, Lo, I am
the pupil of al- Muayyad.' (vide 'Diwan', ed. Nasrullah Taqavi, Tehran, 1928,
p. 313)
He also regularly gave lectures at Dar al-Hikmah. The
'Majalis' of al-Muayyad, comprised of 8 volumes of one hundred lectures, deal
with various theological and philosophical questions, reflecting high watermark
of the Ismaili thoughts. He died in 470/1078 at Cairo and was interred inside
Dar al-Hikmah, where he resided. Al-Mustansir himself led the funeral rites.
Ismaili History 574 - Nasir Khusaro
Nasir Khusaro Hamiduddin Abu Muin Nasir bin Khusaro bin
Harith al-Qubandiyani was a celebrated poet, philosopher and traveller. He is
ranked as the Real Wisdom of the East. He was born in 394/1003 and came in
Egypt in 439/1047, where he aboded for about three years, until 441/1050,
during which time he had his audience with al-Mustansir. He was appointed as
the hujjat of Khorasan and Badakhshan. It is certainly due to his tireless
endeavours that there are millions of Ismailis in Afghanistan, Tajikistan,
China, Chitral, Hunza, Gilgit, Pamir, Yarkand etc. He spent the rest of his
life in the bleak valley of Yamghan, where he died in 481/1088. In the
introductory note of 'Wajh-i Din' (ed. by Ghulam Reza Aavani, Tehran, 1977, p.
1), Seyyed Hossein Nasr writes, 'He is one of the greatest Islamic philosopher
and deserves to be studied as a major intellectual figure of Islam in general
and of Ismailism in particular.'Besides being a great thinker and erudite
writer, Nasir Khusaro was also an eminent traveller. The distance he traversed
from Balkh to Egypt, and thence to Mecca and then to Fars via Basra, and
ultimately back to Balkh, not counting excursions for visiting shrines and so
on, was about 2220 parasangs (each one about 3
Ismaili History 575 - The Sulayhids of Yamen
In Yamen, Ali Muhammad al-Sulayhi had established the
Sulayhid rule and introduced the Fatimid khutba. In 450/1058, he succeeded to
expel the Zaidis from San'a, and made it his capital. In 452/1060, he captured
Zabid after killing Sa'd bin Najah, the founder of the Najahid dynasty and appointed
his brother-in-law, Asad bin Shihab as the governor of Zabid. In 454/1062, he
conquered Adan, where he allowed Banu Ma'n to rule for sometime as tributaries
of the Sulayhids. Later, in 476/1083, the Sulayhids granted the governorship of
Adan to two Hamdani brothers, Abbas and Masud bin Karam, who founded the
Ismaili dynasty of the Zurayids in Adnan from 476/1083 to 569/1173. In sum, Ali
bin Muhammad subjugated all of Yamen in 455/1063 and also extended his
influence from Mecca to Hazarmaut. Umara bin Ali al- Hakami (d. 569/1174)
writes in 'Tarikh-i Yamen' (tr. Henry C. Kay, London, 1892, pp. 24-5) that,
'None of its plains or its hills, of its lands or of its waters remained
unsubdued. No parallel case can be found of so rapid a conquest, either in the
days of ignorance or in the days of Islam.' One of the greatest achievements of
Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi was his success in establishing peace in Mecca on
behalf of al-Mustansir.
In 454/1062, Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi desired to meet
al-Mustansir, therefore, he sent Lamak bin Malik al-Hammadi, the chief qadi of
Yamen to Cairo to discuss his prospective visit. In 454/1062, Nasir ad-Dawla
had begun to ravage Egypt, therefore, qadi Lamak had to stay with al-Muayyad at
the Dar al-Hikmah. Lamak remained in Cairo for five years and at length he had
an audience with al-Mustansir. On the other hand, Ali bin Muhammad set out on a
pilgrimage to Mecca in 459/1067 at the head of 2000 horsemen of whom 160 were
the members of his household. Unfortunately, he was killed with a number of his
relatives in a surprise attack by the sons of Sa'd bin Najah in reprisal of his
father's death. His son Ahmad al-Mukarram was declared the head of Yamen by
al-Mustansir. The rule which Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi founded would have
fallen to the ground if his son Ahmad al-Mukarram had not come to its rescue
and restored it.
In one of the rare extant letters from Yamen to
al-Mustansir, Ahmad al-Mukarram, after giving an account of the death of his
father and the following events, reports that the envoys of the dai of India
have brought him a letter, asking that permission be granted to them to pass
from verbal propaganda to the use of force. It shows that there were
preparations for a rising on the western coast of India, presumably in Gujrat,
ruled by the then Hindu Chaulukya dynasty and establish there a Fatimid
enclave. In his letter dated 461/1068, the Imam replied to the question of the
dai Yousuf bin Hussain and left it to him to judge whether the plan was
feasible. Nothing seems to have come of it. In 468/1075, Yousuf bin Hussain
died in India, therefore, Ahmad al- Mukarram was commissioned to choose his
successor. Yousuf's son Ahmad was proposed by him, which the Imam agreed and
sent the appointment letter, adding that the country in question, i.e., the
administration of its mission, was in the charge of the Sulayhid, who was also
ordered to make some arrangements for Oman, which had at that time no mission.
In 469/1076, the Sulayhid is charged with the government of the city of Oman.
In 476/1083, the Sulayhid suggested appointment of Marzuban bin Ishaq in India
and Ibrahim bin Ismail in Oman, which al-Mustansir billah agreed. In 481/1088,
Marzuban died and his son Ahmad was recommended. In Oman, Ibrahim turned to
commerce and neglected the mission, thus Hamza was recommended to succeed him.
Ahmad al-Mukarram died in 484/1091 and his wife Sayyida
Hurrat al-Malika Arwa (477-532/1084-1138) then began to govern on behalf of
Mukarram's minor son, Ali Abd al-Mustansir. When he too died, Sayyida Arwa took
up the reins of administration of the state and mission, and remained loyal to
al-Mustansir. She however supported the Mustalian line after the death of
al-Mustansir.
The Fatimid vizir Badr al-Jamali died in 487/1095, and was
succeeded by his son, al-Afdal as vizir. The administration of Badr al-Jamali
was especially associated with a great development of building and with the
construction of new walls and gates round Cairo.
The longest Caliphate of Muslim history for 60 years and 4
months closed with the death of al-Mustansir on the 18th Zilhaja, 487/January
6, 1095 at the age of 67 years and 5 months. The Fatimid dai, al-Muayyad
fid-din ash-Shirazi had composed a 'Diwan' (Cairo, 1949), in which he versified
few couplets in favour of al-Mustansir as under:-
'I offer my soul to al-Mustansir billah for redemption, who
wins victories with the help of the hosts of heaven.' (p. 201)
'It is by him only that the Koran can be explained and
interpreted.' (p. 273)
'I confess that you are the countenance of God by which the
servants' countenances are radiant.' (p. 201)
Ismaili History 576 - AL-NIZAR (487-490/1095-1097)
Abu Mansur al-Nizar, surnamed al-Mustapha al-dinillah (the
chosen for God's religion), was born in Cairo on 437/1045. He assumed the
Imamate on 18th Zilhaja, 487/January 6, 1095 at the age of 50 years. He had
been however proclaimed as a successor in 480/1087 before the notables in the
court by his father. His participation in state affairs is scant. In 454/1062,
during the perilous period of Egypt, al-Mustansir had however sent him to the
port of Damietta with the Fatimid army to execute few assignments.
One remark at least should not be omitted that Nizar is a
Persian word, and according to 'Persian-English Dictionary' (London, 1892, p.
1396) by F. Steingass, it means thin, slim, slender, lean, spare or weak. As it
is said 'kilki nizar' means 'a slender reed or pen.' The Iranian name given to
the elder son by Imam al-Mustansir billah tends to the fact that he had
perceived the forthcoming bifurcation in the Ismailis, and that his real
successor would be supported in the Iranian society than in the Arabian. It
therefore seems that al- Mustansir had chosen the name Nizar to cohere him and
his descendants with the Iranian culture. It may also be noted that the cause
of the Nizarid was supported by the Iranian missionaries, notably Hasan bin
Sabbah, Nasir Khusaro, Abdul Malik bin Attash etc.
We have seen that Imam al-Mustansir ascended at the age of
seven years in 427/1036, therefore, the state was governed by his mother. The
Fatimid vizir, Ali bin Ahmad Jarjarai was an able administrator, who died in
436/1044. He was subsequently followed by Ibn al-Anbari and Abu Mansur Sadaqa,
but none of them proved successful. In 442/1050, Abu Muhammad Hasan bin Abdur
Rehman Yazuri became the vizir for eight years. He was a great reformer, but
died in 450/1058. Hence, about 40 new vizirs had been installed during the next
15 years (450- 466/1058-1074), but none among them was so capable to administer
the state affairs. Finally, al-Mustansir invited an Armenian, called Badr
al-Jamali, who reached Cairo in 466/1074 with his Armenian troops, and took
charge of the Fatimid vizirate. He efficiently dealt the state affairs and
restored peace.
When Hasan bin Sabbah was yet in Cairo in 471/1078, De Lacy
O'Leary writes in 'A Short History of the Fatimid Khalifate' (London, 1923, p.
209) that, 'At the time, it appears, the court was divided into two factions
over the question of the succession, the one party holding to the Khalif's
elder son Nizar, the other to a younger son named Musta'li. In one place
Nasir-i Khusaro says that the Khalif told him that his elder son Nizar was to
be his heir, and the succession of the older son would be in accordance with
the doctrines of the sect as already proved by their adherence to Ismail, the
son of Jafar as-Sadiq. But Badr and the chief officials were on the side of the
younger son Musta'li.'
Badr al-Jamali thus expected the succession of Musta'li but
he died in 487/1095, a month before the death of Imam al-Mustansir. The latter
appointed Lawun Amin ad-Dawla as a new vizir, but after few days, al-Afdal, the
son of Badr al-Jamali managed to obtain office of vizirate when the Imam was
almost on death-bed, and also became amir al-juyush (commander of the army).
After the death of al-Mustansir, the year 487/1095 marks the triumph of
vizirial prerogative over caliphal authority in the structure of the Fatimid
empire. Al-Afdal however, was fearing of being deposed by Nizar, so he conspired
to remove him. There is one other story purporting his enmity with Nizar. If
the story quoted by Charles Francois Defremery (1822-1883) in 'Histoire des
Ismaeliens ou Batiniens de la Perse' (JA, ser. 5, XV, 1860, p. 154), is
genuine, it illustrates how a little, rather a trifling thing determines great
events. Al-Afdal, so the account goes, was once mounted on his horse in the
passage leading from the golden gate to the entrance of the palace when Nizar
passed by. Al- Afdal did not dismount to honour the Prince according to the
royal custom. Nizar called out, 'Get down from your horse, O'Armenian slave!
How impolite you are?' Dr. Zahid Ali is of an opinion that it was a bone of
contention and since that day, al-Afdal became an enemy of Nizar, vide 'Tarikh-i
Fatimiyyin Misr' (Karachi, 1963, p. 294). In sum, Nizar fell a victim to the
jealousy of al-Afdal.
Makrizi also quotes the above incident, vide 'Itti'az' (3rd
vol., p. 12). It must be remembered that the phrases al-adab fil salam and adab
al-khidma designated in the broadest sense in the protocol (adab) to be
observed in the Fatimid court. It was the custom for the vizirs to ride into
the palace through the golden gate (bab al-dhahab) and dismount at a designated
spot, called 'the passage of the vizirate' (maqta al-vizara), but al-Afdal
exceeded the limit and treated impolitely with al-Nizar.
Aiming to retain the power of the state in his own hands,
al-Afdal favoured the candidacy of al-Mustansir's youngest son, Abul Kassim
Ahmad, surnamed Musta'li, who would entirely depend upon him. Al-Musta'li was
about 20 years old, and already married to al-Afdal's daughter. Al-Afdal moved
swiftly, and on the day following al-Mustansir's death, he placed the young
prince on the throne with the title of al-Musta'li-billah. He quickly obtained
for al-Musta'li the allegiance of the notables of the court. He also took
favour of al- Mustansir's sister, who was prepared to declare a fabricated
story that al-Mustansir had changed the nass in favour of Musta'li at very last
hour in presence of the qadi of Egypt, but the cause of change of nass was not
given at all. Marshall Hodgson writes in 'The Order of Assassins' (Netherland,
1955, p. 63) that, 'Nizar's right to the Egyptian succession by sectarian
principles was very strong. The Sunni historians assume him to have been
designated heir-apparent. This 'first nass' would clearly give him claim to
Ismaili allegiance against any later nominee on the analogy of Ismail himself,
whose claim could not be set aside for his brother Musa.'
The Egyptian historian, Nuwayri (677-732/1279-1332) writes
in 'Nihayat al-Arab' that, 'When al-Mustansir billah died, his son al-Nizar,
who was the wali'l-ahd, took his seat on the throne and desired homage to be
done to himself; but al-Afdal refused, through dislike to al-Nizar, and he had
a meeting with a member of amirs and men of rank, to whom he said, that Nizar
was come to the age of manhood, and they could not hope to escape his severity;
so the best thing to be done was to do homage to his youngest brother Musta'li.
This plan was approved of by all except Muhammad Ibn Massal al-Maliki'. The
extant sources recount that al-Afdal hastened to proclaim Musta'li and on the
next day, al-Afdal sent for the other sons of al-Mustansir, biding them to come
quickly. Al-Nizar and his brothers, Abdullah and Ismail as soon as entered the
palace, and saw the younger brother seated on the throne, at which they were
filled with indignation. Nuwayri writes in 'Nihayat al-Arab' that al-Afdal said
to them: 'Go forward and kiss the earth in the presence of God and of our lord
al-Must'ali billah! Do him homage, for it is he whom the Imam al-Mustansir
billah has declared as his successor to the caliphate.' To this al-Nizar
answered: 'I would rather be cut in pieces than do homage to one younger than
myself, and moreover I possess a document in the handwriting of my father by
which he names me successor, and I shall go and bring it.' He, thus withdrew
from the court in haste.
It implies that al-Nizar and his brothers were summoned in
the palace under usual manner. He must have brought the written document with
him, had he known the enthronment of Must'ali. Another outstanding feature of
Musta'li was that he was silent on the whole, and himself did not ask his
brothers to pay him homage. It was only al-Afdal to deal the proceeding all
alone. Musta'li was planned to enthrone with the firm hold of the vizir.
According to 'Religion in the Middle East' (London, 1969, 2nd vol., p. 321) ed.
by A.J. Arberry, 'Both Ibn al-Athir and Ibn Khaldun agree that Nizar was the
duly appointed heir apparent whose claims were overlooked by the energy and
diplomacy of al-Afdal.'
Ismaili History 577 - Al-Nizar in Alexandria
Al-Nizar seems well aware of the domination of al-Afdal, who
had a vein of animosity in his character for him. It is possible that he
thought it futile to produce the written document in the palace, because
according to Ibn Khaldun (4th vol., p. 139) the sister of al- Mustansir had
falsely witnessed in the court the story of change of nass, therefore, he did
not come back to the palace and quitted Cairo. Soon afterwards, al-Nizar
appeared at Alexandria, supported by his brother, Abdullah and an amir,
Muhammad ibn Massal al-Maliki. Nasir ad-Dawla Iftagin at-Turki, the governor of
Alexandria swore allegiance to al-Nizar and proclaimed his support. Jalal
ad-Dawla bin Ammar, the qadi of Alexandria also supported the cause of
al-Nizar. In Alexandria, al-Nizar promulgated the Nizarid Ismaili mission and
adopted the title of al-Mustapha li-dinillah (the chosen for God's religion).
Nasir Khusaro and Hasan bin Sabbah were promulgating the
Nizarid Ismaili mission in Badakhshan and Iran in accordance with the
directions they had personally received from al-Mustansir when they had been in
Cairo. Granted that the theory of change of nass was a genuine, then these
missionaries must have been intimated by the Fatimid authority, but it was
produced only in the court as a tool to make al-Musta'li enthroned.
Al-Afdal feared the growing power of al-Nizar in Alexandria,
where he spurred his horses in 488/1095, but suffered a sharp repulse in the
first engagement, and retreated to Cairo. According to Ibn Athir and Ibn
Khallikan, al-Nizar also got favour of the nomad Arabs and dominated the
northern area of Egypt.
Al-Afdal once again took field with huge army and besieged
Alexandria. He tempted the companions of al-Nizar, and fetched them to his
side. Ibn Massal was the first to have deserted the field from the thick of
fight, and fled with his materials by sea towards Maghrib. It is related that
Ibn Massal had a dream that he was walking on horseback, and al-Afdal was
walking in his train. He consulted an astrologer, who remarked that he who
walked on the earth was to possess it. On hearing this, Ibn Massal collected
his wealth and fled to Lokk, a village near Barqa in Maghrib. This defection
marked the turning point of al-Nizar's power. In addition, the long siege
resulted great fortune to al-Afdal, wherein many skirmishes took place.
Al-Nizar and his faithfuls fought valiantly, but due to the treachery of his
men, he was arrested and taken prisoner with Abdullah and Iftagin to Cairo.
Iftagin was executed in Cairo. According to Ibn Khallikan,
al-Nizar was immured by his brother al-Musta'li's orders and al-Afdal had him
shut up between two walls till he died in 490/1097. According to John Alden
Williams in 'Islam' (New York, 1967, p. 218), 'The followers of al-Nizar in
Abbasid territory refused to accept this and took Nizar's son to one of their
mountain fortress, Alamut.'
The Ismaili missionaries spread the Nizari Ismailism since
the time of al-Mustansir by leaps and bounds. Hasan bin Sabbah had operated the
Nizarid mission freely throughout its length and breath and established the
Nizarid rule at Alamut in Iran. Henceforward, the centre of the Nizari Imamate
with a large following in Iran, Syria and Central Asia, transferred from Egypt
to Iran.
Muhammad bin Ali al-Suri, the Fatimid dai in Syria, who died
few months after al-Mustansir billah in 488/1095, had enumerated the Imams in a
long Arabic poem, vide 'al-Qasida al-Suriyya' (ed. Arif Tamir, Damascus, 1955,
pp. 41-71). He is said to have given his full supports to the cause of al-Nizar
in Syria and propagated to this effect in his region.
According to Ibn Khallikan, Ibn Massal received a letter
from al-Afdal, inviting him to return to Egypt, which he did, and was
honourably received in Cairo.
Al-Musta'li remained a puppet in the hands of al-Afdal
throughout his short reign (1094-1101), during which the Crusaders first
appeared in 490/1097 in the Levant to liberate the holy land of Christendom.
The Crusaders easily defeated the local Fatimid garrison, and occupied
Jerusalem in 492/1099. By 493/1100, the Crusaders had gained their footholds in
Palestine, and founded several principalities based on Jerusalem and other
localities in Palestine and Syria. In the midst of the Fatimids' continued
attempts to repel the Crusaders, al-Musta'li died in 495/1102, who made no
personal contribution to the Fatimid rule. He was entirely without authority in
the state, and came out only as required by al-Afdal at the public functions.
W.B. Fisher writes in 'The Middle East and North Africa'
(London, 1973, p. 243) that, 'After the death of al-Mustansir, the six
succeeding caliphs had no power'. After Musta'li's death, al-Afdal proclaimed
al-Musta'li's five year-old son, Abu Ali al-Mansur, surnamed al-Amir (d.
524/1130).
Ismaili History 578 - Death of al-Afdal
We have seen heretofore that al-Afdal was an absolute master
of the Fatimid empire for 27 years and was murdered in 515/1121. Ibn Qalanisi
writes in 'Tarikh-i Dimashq' (tr. H.A.R. Gibb, London, 1932, p. 163) that, 'It
was asserted that the Batinis (Ismailis) were responsible for his
assassination, but this statement is not true.' Yaacov Lev writes in 'State and
Society in Fatimid Egypt' (London, 1991, p. 55) that, 'On 30 Ramdan 515/12
December 1121, al-Afdal was assassinated and his twenty-seven years of military
dictatorship were brought to an end. Although one of the assassins was
captured, who masterminded the plot remains unknown. From reading the sources
one receives the impression that the Nizari Ismailis perpetrated the killing.
However, judging by the subsequent events, al-Amir must have been involved in
the plot.'
Ibn Khallikan (1st vol., pp. 613-4) writes that, 'It was
al-Afdal who, on the death of al-Musta'li, placed al-Amir, that sovereign's son
on the throne: he then took the direction of public affairs into his own hands,
and having confined the prince in his palace, he prevented him from indulging
his passion for pleasure and amusements. This treatment induced al-Amir to plot
against his vizir's life, and on the evening of Sunday, the 30th Ramdan, 515,
as al-Afdal rode forth from his habitation in the imperial palace, he was
attacked by the conspirators and slain while proceeding towards the river.'
Al-Afdal was virtually a king of the Egyptian empire and
squandered the royal treasury. According to Ibn Khallikan (1st vol., p. 614),
'Al-Afdal left after him such a quantity of wealth as was never heard of
before. The author (Jamaluddin Abul Hasan Ali bin Abi Mansur Tahir al-Azdi) of
'Dual al-Munkatia' (comp. 623/1126), states that it consisted of six hundred
millions of dinars; two hundred and fifty bushels of dhirams, all of full
weight and coined in Egypt; seventy-five thousand satin robes; thirty
camel-loads of perfume boxes in Irak gold; a gold inkhorn mounted with a
precious stone valued at twelve thousand dinars; one hundred gold nails, each
weighing one hundred dinars, ten of which were in each of his ten sitting
rooms; and on each nail was hung a turban ready folded and embroidered in gold;
each of these turbans was of a different colour, and he selected from among
them whichever he was inclined to wear; he possessed besides five hundred
chests of clothing for the persons in his service, all of the finest stuffs
which Tennis and Damietta could produce: as for the horses, slaves, mules,
saddles, perfumes, ornaments for the person, and furniture which he left after
him, God alone knew their quantity. Besides all that, were cows, sheep, and
buffalos in such an incredible number that no person would dare to mention it;
their milk was farmed out, and in the year of his death it brought in thirty
thousand dinars. Among his effects were found two large trunks containing gold
needles for the use of the female slaves and the women.'
Ismaili History 579 - The line of Musta'li
W.Ivanow writes in 'Brief Survey of the Evolution of
Ismailism' (Holland, 1952, pp. 15-16) that, 'The next two puppet rulers,
Musta'li and Amir, had some claims to the title of the Imam. But when Amir was
assassinated in 524/1130, leaving no male issue, al-Hafiz ascended the throne
with the title of the mustawda Imam, i.e., acting as a regent on behalf of the
supposed infant heir. A story was put into circulation to the effect that the
baby was sent to Yamen. The faithful Musta'lians take this legend quite
seriously.' De Lacy O'Leary on the other hand writes in 'A Short History of the
Fatimid Khalifate' (London, 1923, p. 222) that, 'The Khalif al-Amir left no
son, but at the time of his death, one of his wives was pregnant, and it was
possible that she might give birth to an heir.' Makrizi writes in 'Itti'az'
(3rd vol., p. 137) that, 'It was stated that Hafiz was acting as guardian for
al-Amir's son to be born by one of al-Amir's pregnant women.' Thus, Hafiz, the
uncle of al-Amir took the power as a ruler.
Henceforward, the Fatimid rule embarked on its rapid
decline. The supposed infant son of al-Amir is named, Tayyib, about two and
half years old, but De Lacy O'Leary holds however that when al-Amir's wife was
delivered, her child was a daughter (op. cit., p. 223). Anyhow, the chief
guardian of Tayyib was Ibn Madyan, who is said to have hidden the minor Tayyib
in a mosque called Masjid ar-Rahma. Makrizi tells that the infant son of
al-Amir was carried in a basket after wrapping it up and covering it over with
vegetables. Here in the mosque, a wet nurse cared for him. And all of this was
done without Hafiz knowing anything about it. Makrizi also writes that Tayyib
was arrested and killed. The followers of Tayyib in Yamen however believed that
he was hidden in 524/1130 and his line exists even today in concealment.
Ismaili History 580 - The Hafizids and Tayyibids
Looking the situation ideal for himself, Hafiz claimed the
Imamate after two years in 526/1132, resulting the Yamenite Musta'lians split
into two factions, i.e., the Hafizids and the Tayyibids. In a bold move, Hafiz
declared himself an Imam. Ibn Muyassar (p. 63) writes that, 'Hafiz rode in the
attire of the caliphs from the Festival Gate (bab al-id) to the Golden Gate
(bab al-dhahab), and ordered that the following khutba be pronounced from the
pulpit: `O'God! bless the one through whom you have fortified your religion
after your enemies tried to destroy it. Our lord and master, the Imam of our
age and of our time, Abdul Majid Abul Maymun.''
The Tayyibid group in the Musta'lians do not recognize the
last four rulers including Hafiz. According to S.M. Stern in 'The Succession to
the Fatimid Imam al-Amir' (cf. 'Orient', no.4, 1951, p. 202), 'The last four
Fatimid caliphs of Egypt were not regarded as Imams even by themselves and the
khutba was read in the name of al-Qaim, the promised Imam who will come on the
last day.' Hafiz's vizir was Hizbar al-Mulk, but the army tenaciously
recommended the office for Abu Ali Ahmad, the son of al-Afdal. Caliph Hafiz had
to appoint him in place of Hizbar al-Mulk. Immediately after assuming office,
the new vizir Abu Ali Ahmad introduced a strange phenomenon in Fatimid history
by announcing the religion of Ithna Ashari as an official creed of the state.
This was absolutely against the very character of the Fatimid Caliphate.
According to Ibn Muyassar in 'Tarikh-i Misr' (p. 75), 'He also dropped the
mention of Imam Ismail bin Jafar Sadik from whom the Ismailis derive their
name.' Hafiz died in 544/1149, was succeeded by his son Zafir. Instead of
devoting himself to the administration, Zafir exceedingly inclined to a life of
pleasure. He perished at the age of 22 years in 549/1154, and was succeeded by
his five years old son, Faiz. The entire power however remained with vizir
Abbas. Whilst in an epileptic fit, Faiz died in 555/1160 at the age of eleven
years. He was succeeded by nine years old Adid, the son of Yousuf, one of the
murdered brothers of Zafir.
Ismaili History 581 - End of the Fatimid Caliphate
The Ayyubid ruler Saladin (d. 589/1193) at length, put an
end of the Fatimid rule in 567/1171, and had the khutba read in Cairo in the
name of Abbasid caliph al-Mustadi (d. 575/1180), thus proclaiming Abbasid
suzerainty in Egypt. The helpless Adid, the last Fatimid ruler, died a few days
later following an illness. Saladin had a vein of jealousy in his character for
the Fatimids, and therefore, 'The Encyclopaedia of Islam' (Leiden, 1936, 3rd
vol., p. 353) writes that, 'He had all the treasures of the palace, including
the books, sold over a period of ten years. Many were burned, thrown into the
Nile, or thrown into a great heap, which was covered with sand, so that a
regular 'hill of books' was formed and the soldiers used to sole their shoes
with the fine bindings. The number of books said to have disposed of varies
from 120,000 to 2,000,000.' Thus, the Fatimid Caliphate founded in Maghrib in
297/909, embodying the greatest religio-political and cultural success of Shia
Islam, had come to an end after 262 years, in which they ruled Egypt for 191
years.
Ismaili History 582 - Review of 'al-Hidayat al-Amiriyya'
Caliph al-Amir appointed al-Mamun al-Bata'ihi to the
vizarate, who reopened the Dar al-Hikmah in Cairo, which had been closed by al-
Afdal in 513/1119, where he immediately learnt many professions supporting the
cause of Imam Nizar. Meanwhile, there raised violent reactions in other parts
of the Fatimid dominion to this effect, mostly in Syria and Iran. The vizir
al-Mamum feared the Nizari Ismaili influence once again penetrating in Egypt,
therefore, he arranged for a grand public assembly to publicize the claims of
al-Musta'li and refute the rights of Nizar. This meeting was held in 516/1122
at the great hall of the palace and was attended by numerous Fatimid princes
and distinguished dignitaries, including Abu Muhammad bin Adam, the head of the
Dar al-Hikmah. The Egyptian historians, such as Ibn Muyassar (1231-1278) in
'Tarikh-i Misr' (ed. Henri Masse, Cairo, 1919, pp. 66-67) and Makrizi in
'Itti'az' (Cairo, 1948, 3rd vol., pp. 87-88) have provided a detailed account
of the proceedings. In the course of the assembly, various episodes were
referred to justify the claims of al-Musta'li. Most significantly, Nizar's full
sister, sitting behind a screen in an adjoining chamber, testified that al-
Mustansir, on his death-bed, had designated al-Musta'li as his successor,
divulging the change of nass to his own sister (Nizar's aunt). At the
conclusion, vizir al-Mamun ordered Ibn al-Sayrafi (d. 542/1147), a secretary at
the Fatimid chancery, to compile an epistle (sijill) in favour of al-Musta'li,
to be read publicly from the pulpits of the mosques in Egypt. This epistle is
known as 'al-Hidayat al-Amiriyya' (the advices of al-Amir), or
'ar-Risalatu'l-Amiriyya' (the epistle of al-Amir), which had been written about
28 years after the Nizari-Musta'lian schism. Its copies were also circulated in
Syria, where it caused an uproar amongst the Nizari Ismailis in Damascus. The
matter was referred to the Nizari Ismaili chief, who immediately wrote a
refutation of it. This refutation was read at a meeting of the Musta'lians in
Damascus, whose dais forwarded its copies to al-Amir in Cairo, asking him for
further guidance. Soon afterwards, al-Amir sent a reply in 517/1123 to his
Syrian dais through an epistle under the bombastic title of 'Iqa Sawa'iqa
al-irgham'(the fall of the lightning of humiliation), which is treated as an
appendix to 'al-Hidayat al-Amiriyya'. The original epistle reached in Syria on
Thursday, the 27th Zilhaja, 517 A.H.
'Al-Hidayat al-Amiriyya', or in full, 'al-Hidayat
al-Amiriyya li-Mawlana al-Amir fi ithbat Imamat Mawlana al-Musta'li wa'r-radd
ala'n Nizariyya', is attributed to the authorship of al-Amir quite incorrectly.
It was compiled by al-Sayrafi, and the text was read over and approved by
al-Amir. It is almost a bombastic, full of stylistic tricks and void of
historical facts, and alludes here and there.
Asaf A.A. Fyzee (1899-1981) published the Arabic text of
'al-Hidayat al-Amiriyya' from Calcutta in 1938 with its introduction and
comments, whose few examples are given below:-
In the course of his argument, the author of 'al-Hidayat
al-Amiriyya' has to admit the most important fact that Nizar had been
officially proclaimed the heir-apparent of his father, and that the provincial
agents of the state were duly informed about it (cf. p. 21, 1.12). He further
states that the appointment was first cancelled by the subsequent nomination of
Nizar's younger brother, Abdullah, and later on by the nass to Musta'li in the
last hour of al-Mustansir's life (cf. p. 18, 1.7). Fyzee comments that, 'This
nomination at the moment of expiring made under very suspicious circumstances,
as we have seen, does not seem very convincing.' (p. 5)
The author further emphasizes the alleged fact that Nizar
and Abdullah were both given the title of wali ahdi'l-muslimin, while only
Musta'li was called the wali ahdi'l-mu'minin. Fyzee writes in this context
that, 'The matter seems to be somewhat dark, although the difference between
islam and imam in Muslim theology, and particularly in Ismaili doctrine, is
well known. It is difficult to generalize whether this difference in title,
even if it was real, implied any material distinction.' (p. 5)
The most amazing thing in all this is the fact that the
author quite earnestly admits, and even emphatically defends, the principle of
revocation of the nass. Fyzee writes, 'As is known, Ismailism itself came into
existence as an independent sect of Islam in circumstance closely resembling
the case of Nizar, and the immediate cause of the split of the Shiite community
was exactly the defence of the dogma of the irrevocability of the nass. The
sect was formed by the followers of Ismail, the son of Imam Jafar as-Sadiq who
refused to recognize the legality of the second nass, to Musa al-Kazim.' (p. 6)
He further adds, 'It is difficult to believe that in its case the later will
could cancel the preceding one, as the author tries to prove. Especially
strange would it be to claim that it should be cancelled by the alleged nass fi
daqiqati'l-intiqal, i.e. the nomination (made by the Caliph) at the moment of
his death, to which the author refers several times, in view of the rather
doubtful circumstances which accompanied it.' (pp. 6-7) Fyzee also comments,
'Though the author often refers to this last moment's nass, he never mentions
who really was the witness of such an important act. From what is known, it is
quite obvious that Nizar and his party were not represented at the moment of
the Caliph's death.' (f.n., p. 7)
As Musta'li was only just over 18 years of age, or according
to Ismaili historians, 20, at the time of al-Mustansir's death, it is obvious
that his wedding could not have been celebrated more than seven years before
his father died, i.e. when he was about 13 years of age. It is quite probable
that in reality it took place much later. Thus it would appear that during the
exceptionally long reign of al-Mustansir, something like 55 years, there was no
heir-apparent, until the Caliph, at the memorable wedding, in a rather elusive
way, appointed Musta'li, by bestowing upon him the title of wali
ahdi'l-mu'minin. Fyzee remarks, 'All this sounds very improbable.' On page 20,
1.2, the author, obviously conscious of this difficulty, goes so far as to say
that the nass to Nizar, and later on to Abdullah, was made by al-Mustansir only
as a concession to the public impatience, in order to placate his followers.
Fyzee writes, 'He apparently does not notice that this implies insincerity of
the Imam in his actions.' (p. 7)
With regard to the memorable occasion of the wedding of
Musta'li, which plays the key role in the argument of the author, it provides,
in addition to the bestowing of the title mentioned above, yet another sign of
the elevation of the young prince above his brothers, namely his being seated
on the right hand of his father, while all other princes had to sit on the left
side. Fyzee writes, 'It is difficult to find in this decisive indication as to
whether such arrangement constituted something extraordinary from the point of
view of the Fatimid court etiquette. As Musta'li was the centre of the
celebration, the hero of the day, perhaps he might have been specially honoured
on the occasion, without any prejudice to the rights and dignity of his elder
brothers.' (p. 8)
A very interesting story is given by the author (p. 14) in
which he mentions the testimony of Nizar's sister. The latter, as the author
narrates, in the presence of witnesses publicly denounced the claims of Nizar
to the Imamate, and condemned his attitude, invoking curses upon all those who
supported him. She said that on several occasiions her father, the last Caliph
al-Mustansir, gave her to understand that it was his intention to appoint
Musta'li his heir-apparent. She added further that her brother Nizar, on the
memorable occasion of Musta'li's wedding to the daughter of al-Afdal, came to
her, and said that till then he still cherished the hope of being his father's
successor. But after seeing the ostentation with which his father showed his
favour towards the youngest prince, by giving him precedence over his elder
brothers, he had to give up all hope. Thus, as she said, Nizar was quite
conscious that he was acting wrongly when he rose in rebellion. Fyzee writes,
'This story is really interesting in its implications: it is quite possible
that a certain estrangement did take place between the father and his elder
son, as may happen in any family, of high or low position. This certainly could
easily exploited for their own ends by al-Afdal and his party, whom the
ascension of Nizar threatened to dislodge from their high position. But at the
same time from the words of Nizar quoted by his sister, it appears that until
the fateful wedding there was no official act by which Nizar was deprived of
his position as heir-apparent.' (p. 9)
The author claims that Nizar and Abdullah swore allegiance
to Musta'li on his accession (cf. p. 22, 1.12). Fyzee writes, 'But there are
other historians, and they are far from being pro-Nizar, who nevertheless
relate that when Nizar was summoned to the palace only to find that his father
was dead, and Musta'li was enthroned by the commander-in-chief, he protested,
saying that he had a written document concerning his appointment as the heir.
He said that he was going to fetch it, left the palace, and then escaped to
Alexandria. Thus there is no certainty as to the circumstances of the alleged
swearing of allegiance.' (pp. 10-11)
Another decisive argument which the author uses against
Nizar is the alleged extinction of his house (cf. p. 23, 1.11), which,
according to Ismaili ideas, definitely proves the futility of a person's claims
to the Imamate. Fyzee comments, 'As is quite natural to expect, he refuses to
believe in the fact that descendants of Nizar continue in Persia.' (P. 11)