- Hasan Bin Sabbah and Nizari Ismaili State in Alamut
- The fortress of Alamut
- The origin of the Seljuqs
- Seljuqid operations against Alamut
- Ismaili Mission in Syria
- Ismaili Mission in Gujrat, India
- Death of Hasan bin Sabbah
- The Doctrines of Talim
- The Ismaili fidais
- Genesis of the word 'Assassin'
- The Legend of Paradise
- Kiya Buzrug Ummid
- Muhammad bin Kiya Buzrug Ummid
- Al-Mohtadi Bin Al-Hadi (530-552/1136-1157)
- The Nizarid coinage at Alamut
- Analysis of the fictitious story in 'Athar-i Muhammadi'
- Al-Kahir Bin Al-Muhammad (552-557/1157-1162)
- Hasan Ala Zikrihi's Salam (557-561/1162-1166)
- Hasan bin Muhammad bin Kiya Buzrug
- Qiyamat-i Qubra in Alamut
- Ala Muhammad (561-607/1166-1210)
- Allama Farkhruddin Razi
- Rashiduddin Sinan
- Ismailis in Hungary
- Poet Rais Hasan
- Jalaluddin Hasan (607-618/1210-1221)
- Misconception of the doctrine of Qiyama
- Jalaluddin Hasan in Azerbaijan
- Emergence of the Mongols
- Alauddin Muhammad (618-653/1221-1255)
- Sacrifices of the fidais
- Muhammad Nasawi in Alamut
- Count Henry in Kahf
- Muslim refugees in Kohistan
- War with Sistan
- Nasiruddin Tusi
- Muslim delegation in Europe
- Muslim delegation in Mongolia
- Beginning of the Mongol operations
- Construction of Maimundiz
- Ruknuddin Khurshah (653-655/1255-1257)
- Decline of the Khwarazmshahis
- Negotiations with the Mongols
- Reduction of Maimundiz
- Reduction of Alamut
- Imam in Mongol's camp
- Imam on way to Karakorum
- Massacre of the Ismailis
- Murder of Ruknuddin Khurshah
Ismaili History 601 - HASAN BIN SABBAH AND NIZARI ISMAILI
STATE IN ALAMUT
Hasan bin Sabbah was born in a Shiite family on 428/1034 at
Qumm. His father, Ali bin Muhammad bin Jafar bin al-Hussain bin Muhammad bin
al-Sabbah al-Himyari, a Kufan of Yamenite origin was a learned scholar. From
early age he acquired the rudiments of formal education from his father at
home. When he was still a child, his father moved to Ray and it was there that
Hasan bin Sabbah pursued his religious education. In his autobiography,
entitled 'Sar Guzasht-i Sayyidna' (Incidents in the life of our Lord), he tells
his own story that, 'From the days of my boyhood, from the age of seven, I felt
a love for the various branches of learning and wished to become a religious
scholar; until the age of seventeen I was a seeker and searcher for knowledge,
but kept to the Twelver faith of my father.'Hasan bin Sabbah was an intelligent
and proficient in geometry and astronomy. He learnt the Ismaili doctrines from
a Fatimid dai, Amir Dharrab, who expounded him the doctrine of the Ismailis.
Soon he was reading Ismaili literature, which so stirred him that when he
became dangerously ill, he began to fear that he might die without knowing the
truth. When he recovered, he approached an Ismaili for further clarification of
the doctrines. Convinced that Ismailism represented ultimate reality, he
embraced Ismailism at the age of 35 years in 464/1071 and afterwards, he came
into contact with a Fatimid dai Abdul Malik bin Attash in Ispahan.
Hasan bin Sabbah writes in 'Sar Guzasht-i Sayyidna' that,
'In the year 464/1071 Abdul Malik bin Attash, who at that time was the dai in
Iraq, came to Ray. I met with his approval, and he made me a deputy dai and
indicated that I should go to His Majesty in Egypt, who at that time was
al-Mustansir. In the year 469/1077, I went to Ispahan on my way to Egypt. I
finally arrived in Egypt in the year 471/1078.' In sum, Hasan moved from Ray to
Ispahan in 467/1074. Later on, when al-Muayyad was the chief dai at Cairo in
469/1077, he set out from Ispahan for Egypt. He travelled at first to northern
Azerbaijan, thence to Mayyafariqin, where he held religious deliberations with
the Sunni theologians and denied the right of Sunni muftis to interpret
religion, that being the prerogative of the Imam. As a result, he was expelled
by the town's Sunni qadi. He proceeded to Mosul, Rahba and Damascus. He sailed
through Beirut, Sidon, Tyre, Acre, Caesarea and finally reached Cairo in
471/1078. Imam al-Mustansir gave him audience and honoured him. Hasan asked him
as to who would be the Imam after him. Al-Mustansir replied that it would be
his son Nizar. He is reported to have stayed 18 months in Cairo, enjoying the
patronage and favour of his master. He also learnt latest tactics of the dawa
in Dar al-Hikmah, which was in those days the biggest learning centre of Islam.
Hasan, thus profited much by his journey to Egypt. It is possible that he had a
meeting also with al- Nizar in Cairo. Laurence Lockhart writes in 'Hasan-i
Sabbah and the Assassins' (BSOAS, vol. v, 1928, p. 677) that, 'Hasan was well received
at Cairo, and was treated with marked favour by the Fatimid Caliph
al-Mustansir. It is said by some writers that Hasan received so many benefits
at the hands of the Caliph that the courtiers became jealous, and eventually
forced him to leave the country.' Badr al-Jamali, the Fatimid vizir however was
the foremost to breed suspicion, when he knew that Hasan was the supporter of
al-Nizar bin al- Mustansir, therefore he got Hasan imprisoned in the fortress
of Dumyat. The strong walls of the fortress collapsed one day, enabling him to
escape. He boarded a vessel at Alexandria with a group of Franks for western
waters, but the stormy winds tossed his vessel on the shores of Syria and he
alighted at the port of Acre. Then onwards, he toured many cities; studied the
economic, social and religious conditions of the people. He reached Ispahan in
473/1081 and began to propagate Ismaili faith in Yazd and Kirman for a while.
He spent three months in Khuzistan before proceeding to Damghan, where he
stayed about three years.
There was plenty of mission activity, pervasive throughout
its length and breath in Iran under the control of Abdul Malik bin Attash. In
about 480/1088, Hasan bin Sabbah seems to have chosen the remote castle of
Alamut in Daylam as the base of his mission. He sent from Damghan, and later,
from Shahriyarkuh, a number of trained dais, including Ismail Qazwini, Muhammad
Jamal Radi and Kiya Abul Kassim Larijani to different districts around Alamut
valley to convert the local inhabitants. Hasan, at length was appointed a dai
of Daylam. In the meantime, the Seljukid vizir, Nizam al-Mulk
(408-485/1018-1092), a well known implacable foe had ordered Abu Muslim, the
governor of Ray to arrest him. Hasan however managed to proceed to Daylam in
hiding. He then reached Qazwin (also called Qasbin or Qashwin) , and inspected
the fort of Alamut in Rudhbar. He remained in worship within the fortress, and
also converted the local people. He took possession of the fortress of Alamut
in 483/1090 and established an independent Nizari Ismaili state.
Ismaili History 602 - The fortress of Alamut
The Justanid dynasty of Daylam was founded in 189/805, and
one of its rulers, called Wahsudan bin Marzuban (d. 251/865) is reported to
have built the fortress of Alamut in 246/860. The tradition in this context has
it that once the ruler, while on hunting had followed a manned eagle which
alighted on the rock. The king saw the strategic value of the location and
built a fort on the top of a high piercing rock and was named aluh amut, which
in the Daylami dialect, derived from aluh (eagle) and amut (nest), i.e.,
'eagle's nest' as the eagle, instead of following the birds, had built its nest
on that location. According to 'Sar Guzasht-i Sayyidna', the term 'Alamut' is
aluh amut i.e., the eagle's nest, and an eagle had its nest there. Ibn Athir
(d. 630/1234) relates another tradition in his 'Kamil fi't Tarikh' (Beirut,
1975, 10th vol., p. 110) that the eagle had taught and guided the king to this
location, therefore, it was named talim al-aqab (the teaching or guidance of an
eagle), whose rendering into Daylami dialect is aluh amut. The word aluh means
'eagle' and amutis derived from amukhat means 'teaching'. The people of Qazwin
called it aqab amukhat (the teaching of eagle). Thus, the term aluh amut(or
aqab amukhat) later on became known as Alamut. The Iranian historians have
drawn attention to the curious fact that, if one gives to each letter in the
full name of Aluh Amut, its numberical value in Arabic, the sum total amounts
to 483, which represents the year in which Hasan bin Sabbah obtained possession
of Alamut.Afterwards, the Musafirid dynasty, also known as Sallarids or
Kangarids (304-483/916-1090) founded by Muhammad bin Musafir (304-330/916-
941), who ruled from the fortress of Shamiran in the district of Tarum at
Daylam and Azerbaijan. Later on, Mahdi bin Khusaro Firuz, known as Siyahchashm,
retained the occupation of Alamut in his hands. He was however defeated by the
Musafirid ruler, Ibn Musafir in 316/928 and henceforward, there is no
historical indication about the fate of Alamut following the death of Ibn
Musafir in 319/931. It must be noted on this juncture that most of the sources
write that Mahdi bin Khusaro Firuz had embraced Ismailism, which is quite an
erroneous view. He had however espoused the dotrines of the Qarmatians, not
that of Ismailis.
When Hasan bin Sabbah arrived in Iran from Egypt, the
fortress of Alamut was in possession of an Alid, called Hussain Mahdi, who had
it as a fief from the Seljuq sultan Malikshah. Hasan Mahdi was a descendant of
Hasan bin Ali al-Utrush (d. 304/916), one of the Alid rulers of Tabaristan,
also known as al-Nasir li'l-Haq, who had established a separate Zaidi community
in the Caspian Sea. It is related that a dai Hussain Qaini, working under Hasan
bin Sabbah had created his friendship with Hussain Mahdi. The Ismaili dais also
converted a bulk of the people around the territory, and became powerful to
some extent. These Ismailis also began to come in the fortress. Knowing this,
Hussain Mahdi expelled them and closed its doors. Finally, Hussain Mahdi was
compelled to open the doors owing to the multitude of Ismailis in the vicinity.
Hasan bin Sabbah moved to Ashkawar and then Anjirud,
adjacent to Alamut, and on Wednesday, the 6th Rajab, 483/September 4, 1090, he
steathily entered the castle of Alamut. He lodged there for a while in
disguise, calling himself Dihkhuda and did not reveal his identity to Hussain
Mahdi, but as the days rolled away, the latter noticed that he was no longer
obeyed, that there was another master in Alamut. The bulk of Alamut's garrison
and a large number of the inhabitants had embraced Ismailism, making Hussain
Mahdi powerless to defend himself or make their expulsion, but himself
eventually left the fortress. Thus, Alamut was occupied without any massacre
and was taken to be known as Daru'l Hijra (place of refuge) for the Ismailis in
a congenial atmosphere.
Ata Malik Juvaini (1226-1283) had seen the fortress of
Alamut when it was being shattered in 654/1256. He writes in 'Tarikh-i
Jhangusha'(tr. John A. Boyle, Cambridge, 1958, p. 719) that, 'Alamut is a
mountain which resembles a kneeling camel with its neck resting on the ground.'
It was situated in Daylam about 35 km. north-west of Qazwin in the region of
Rudhbar. It was physically a large towering rock, with steep slopes hardly
negotiable on most sides, but with a considerable expanse at its top where
extensive building could be done. Situated in mountainous terrain, it
approaches could be guarded with relative ease. Its present location lies about
100 k.m. north-west of Tehran, and situated in the high peak of Elburz
mountain. Alburz generally was pronounced as Elburz, is the name given to great
mountain range, dividing the high plateau of Iran from the low lands of Caspian
Sea. The original Iranian word Alburz is derived from two Zand words,
signifying the high mountain. The fortress of Alamut is 600 feet high, 450 feet
long and 30 to 125 feet wide and is partly encompassed by the towering Elburz
range. The rock of Alamut is known at present as Qal'ai Guzur Khan.
Hasan bin Sabbah's immediate concerns, however, were to
refortify Alamut, provide for it food and water supply, construct cisterns and
store-rooms for provisions, irrigate the field in the vally, acquire adjacent
castles, erect forts at strategic points, institute economic and social
reforms, unite the Ismailis by bonds of fraternity, and make every Ismaili feel
himself a responsible member of the community and inseparable from it.
Ismaili History 603 - The origin of the Seljuqs
The Seljuqs were the ruling military family of the Oghuz
Turkoman tribes, which ruled over wide territories in Central and Nearer Asia
from 11th to 13th century. Among them, the following dynasties were sprouted:-
The Great Seljuqs (429-552/1038-1157), the Seljuqs of Iraq (511-590/1118-1194),
the Seljuqs of Kirman (433-582/1041-1186), the Seljuqs of Syria
(471-511/1078-1117) and the Seljuqs of Asia Minor (571-702/1077-1302). The
Seljuq had originated as chieftains of nomadic bands in Central Asian steppes,
and appeared first in Transoxiana and Khorasan in the 5th/11th century. Mahmud
Kashghari writes in 'Diwan lughat al-Turk' (comp. 466/1074) that, 'The leading
tribe of the Oghuz, from whom the Seljuq rulers sprang, was Qiniq. The Seljuq family
belonged to the Qiniq.' Another report indicates that the progenitor of the
Seljuq family was a certain Duqaq, which in Turkish language means 'iron bow',
a man of resources, discernment and competence, who alongwith his son Seljuq,
served Yabghu. Eventually, Yabghu became jealous of Seljuq's power, and the
latter was forced to flee with his flocks to Jand. In the last decade of the
10th century, the Seljuq family embraced Islam, and then turned to raiding
against the pagan Turks. Some Russian scholars have expressed an opinion that
the Seljuq family accepted Islam through Christianity, because of the Biblical
names of his sons, Mikail, Musa and Israil. Over the next decades, Musa, Mikail
and Arslan Israil, the three sons of Seljuq moved southwards for pasture for
their herbs. Soon afterwards, Mikail's two sons, Chaghri Beg and Tughril Beg
occupied Khorasan in 431/1040, and extended their influence in Iran, and
founded rule of the Great Seljuqs. Henceforward, the Seljuq chiefs became the
territorial rulers instead of a wandering band. Tughril Beg was the founder of
the Seljuq rule, who adopted title ofSultan al-Muazzam (an exalted ruler). The
Abbasids of Baghdad recognised the Seljuq rule in 447/1055. Tughril Beg was
succeeded by Alp Arslan, the son of Chaghri Beg in 455/1063. He was also
succeeded by his son, Malikshah (d. 485/1092), the contemporary of Hasan bin
Sabbah.
Ismaili History 604 - Seljuqid operations against Alamut
When the news of Alamut fallen to Hasan bin Sabbah reached
to the court of the Seljuq sultan Malikshah (455-485/1063-1092) and his vizir
Nizam al-Mulk (408-485/1018-1092), they became highly perturbed, and began to
hatch animosity against Hasan bin Sabbah. Malikshah held a series of meetings
with his courtiers, and sent his deputation to Alamut, insisting Hasan bin
Sabbah to confess the supremacy of the Seljuqids. Hasan bin Sabbah received the
deputation with consideration and when they glorified the power and pomp of
Malikshah and asked him to accept their supremacy, he told to them, 'We cannot
obey the orders of others except our Imam. The material glory of the kings
cannot impress us.' The deputation left Alamut of no avail, and at that time,
Hasan bin Sabbah told to them last words, 'Tell to your king to let us live at
our cell in peace. We will be compelled to take arms if we are teased. The army
of Malikshah has no spirit to fight with our warriors, who do not give
importance to this little span of life.' Thus, Malikshah and his vizir did not
dare to attack on Alamut for two years.
Soon, Alamut came to be raided by the Seljuq forces under
the command of the nearest military officer, and the governor of Rudhbar
district, called Turun Tash. Von Hammer (1774-1856) writes in 'History of the
Assassins' (London, 1935, p. 78) that, 'No sooner had Hasan Sabbah obtained
possession of the castle of Alamut, and before he had provided it with
magazines, than an amir (Turun Tash) on whom the sultan had conferred the fief
of the district of Rudhbar, cut off all access and supplies.' Since the stronghold
could not be reduced by storm, the amir Turun Tash besieged it, devastated the
fields and butchered the Ismaili converts. Within Alamut, the supplies and
provisions were inadequate, its occupants were reduced to great distress,
suggesting to abandon the fortress. There were some who looked upon it as a
great hardship, thinking that they were being thrust into the very jaws of
death. Hasan, however, persuaded the garrisons to continue resisting, declaring
to have received an express and special message of Imam Mustansir billah from
Cairo, who promised and portended them good fortune, and this is the cause that
Alamut is also called Baldat al-Iqbal (the city of good fortune). Surrounded by
a thick mist of disappointing circumstances, Hasan's eyes could yet perceive a
ray of hope. Turun Tash directed many serious raids but shortly died. The
starving garrisons, however, held out and the siege was broken. This was the
first inimical operation against the Ismailis.
Malikshah, on getting the news of the rout of Turun Tash's
armies completely lost his balance. In 484/1091, he visited Baghdad, which was
his second visit after 479/1087, where he discussed with the Abbasids the
measures of extermination of the Ismailis. He was bent upon striking the
Ismailis at their very existence. His vizir Nizam al-Mulk, an ardent and
ruthless enemy of the Ismailis, infused him to dispatch two big armies, one to
Rudhbar, and the other to Kohistan. Thus, Malikshah made a determined effort to
root out the Ismailis and launched an expedition early in 485/1092.
In the meantime, the vizir Nizam al-Mulk began to incite the
people and employed the pens of theologians against Hasan bin Sabbah and his
followers. He compiled 'Siyasat-nama' (Book of the art of Politics), showing
the strong anti-Shiite tendencies. Besides being what its title says, is also a
valuable, though biased source for studying the history and doctrines of the
Ismailis. Indeed the Shiite resentment was the principal cause of Nizam
al-Mulk's murder in 485/1092. 'It is said' writes Ibn Khallikan in his 'Wafayat
al-A'yan'(1st vol., p. 415) 'that the assassin was suborned against him by
Malikshah, who was fatigued to see him live so long, and coveted the numerous
fiefs which he held in his possession.' Ibn Khallikan also writes that, 'The
assassination of Nizam al-Mulk has been attributed also to Taj al-Mulk Abul
Ghanaim al-Marzuban bin Khusaro Firuz, surnamed Ibn Darest; he was an enemy of
the vizir and in high favour with his sovereign Malikshah, who, on the death of
Nizam al-Mulk, appointed him to fill the place of vizir.'
The Rudhbar expedition, led by Arslan Tash, reached Alamut
in Jumada I, 485 and had a siege for four months. At the time, Hasan bin Sabbah
had with him only 70 men with little provisions, and was on the verge of being
defeated; when a seasonable succour of 300 men from Qazwin enabled him to make
a successful sally. It was dai Didar Abu Ali Ardistani, who brought 300 men in
Qazwin, who threw themselves into Alamut, bringing adequate supplies. The reinforced
garrison routed the besiegers in a nocturnal assault on their camps at the end
of Shaban, 485/October, 1092, forcing them to withdraw from Alamut. It must be
known that the Seljuqs forces were well equipped with skilled veterans, while
Alamut had recruited those young fidais who were not yet experts in warfare.
Neither in respect of number, nor in that of strength and skill, were the
Ismailis a match for their enemy. It indeed kindled the flame of enthusiasm
that glowed hidden in the hearts of Hasan's followers. The spirit of
deep-rooted faith and the directions of Hasan bin Sabbah, provided them a
resistible fillip before such large hosts. Thus, the designs of their enemy
were frustrated. This operation against Alamut dealt on the one hand a smashing
blow to the Seljuqs, while on the other, it strengthened the root of Ismailism
at Alamut. It is also said that Arslan Tash continued the siege for four months
and did not see any Ismaili resident of the fortress at all except one day when
his army sighted on the top of the fortress a man clad in white clothes, who
watched the army for a while and disappeared.
On other hand, the Kohistan expedition under Qizil Sariq had
concentrated to capture the Ismaili castle of Dara. Malikshah died shortly
afterwards at the end of 485/1092, about 35 days after the murder of Nizam
al-Mulk; resulting the pending Seljuq plans for further expeditions abandoned.
At the same time, the expedition of Kohistan, which had absolutely failed to
capture Dara, withdrew in the field.
Upon Malikshah's death, the Seljuq empire was thrown into
civil war and internal wrangles, which lasted for more than a decade, marked by
disunity among Malikshah's sons. The most prominent one was the eldest son
Barkiyaruq, while Malikshah's four years old son Mahmud had immediately been
proclaimed as sultan. Barkiyaruq was taken to Ray where he was also placed on
the throne. Mahmud died in 487/1095, and the Abbasids recognized the rule of
Barkiyaruq, whose seat of power was in Western Iran and Iraq. He fought a
series of indecisive battles with his half-brother Muhammad Tapar, who acquired
much help from his brother Sanjar, the ruler of Khorasan and Turkistan since
490/1097. The intestine Seljuq quarrels gave the Ismailis a respite to make
Alamut as impregnable as possible. Hasan bin Sabbah strengthened the
fortifications and built up a great store of provisions. He held a number of
fortresses in Daylam besides Alamut and controlled a group of towns and castles
in Kohistan extending north and south over 200 miles. The Ismailis occupied the
fortresses of Mansurakuh and Mihrin to the north of Damghan, and Ustavand in
the district of Damawand. They also took possession of one of the most
important strongholds, Girdkuh in Qumis. Girdkuh, the old Diz Gunbadan (the domed
fort) and its district was very fertile, known as Mansurabad. In 489/1096, the
fortress of Lamasar was conquered under the command of Kiya Buzrug Ummid.
It is a point worth consideration that 'Kitab al-Naqd' by
Nasiruddin Abdul Rashid al-Jalil, speaking of the radical situation after the
death of Malikshah in Ispahan that the manaqib-khwans, a group of Shiite
singers who extolled the virtues of Ali and his descendants in the streets. To
counterbalance the manaqib-khwans' influence, the Sunnite regime employed
fada'il-khwans (singers of virtues), who exalted the virtues of Abu Bakr and
Umar and insulted the Shiites. This created religious agitations in the Seljuqid
empire.
According to 'Seljuk-nama' (Tehran, 1953, p. 41), which was
compiled in 580/1184 by Zahiruddin Nishapuri, 'In 486/1093, the people of
Ispahan apparently moved by a rumour that a certain Ismaili couple had been
luring passers-by into their house and torturing them to death, rounded up all
the Ismaili suspects and threw them alive into a large bondfire in the middle
of the town.' There are few other incidents that had been curiously coloured
against the Ismailis in the Seljuqid sources. Carole Hillenbrand writes in 'The
Power Struggle between the Saljuqs and the Ismailis of Alamut' that, 'The Sunni
sources of the 6th/12th and 7th/13th centuries generally try to inflate the
Saljuq achievement against the Ismailis of Alamut. This is especially the case
with sultan Muhammad.' (cf. 'Mediaeval Ismaili History and Thought' ed. Farhad
Daftary, New York, 1966, p. 216)
The sources at our disposal suggest that the sons of
Malikshah, with the exception of Muhammad did not like to continue fighting
with the Ismailis, but were compelled to do that in order to avoid the
accusation of being conciliatory to the Ismailis. When Barkiyaruq bin Malikshah
ascended in 487/1095, he did not show any enthusiasm for fighting with the
Ismailis. On one occasion in 493/1100, when Barkiyaruq was fighting with his
brother, he is said to have recruited 5000 Ismaili warriors into his army. The
mob and the theologians accused Barkiyaruq of favouring the Ismailis, therefore
he purged them from his forces, and at the end of his reign, he evoked
harrowing persecution. In 494/1101, Barkiyaruq in Western Iran and Sanjar in
Khorasan came to an agreement to regard the Ismailis as a threat to Seljuq
power, and to act against them. He died in 498/1105 and Muhammad Tapar became
the undisputed sultan, and Sanjar remained at Balkh as his viceroy in the east.
With the advent of Muhammad, the dynastic disputes ended and the Seljuqs made
greater headway against the Ismailis. He turned fiercely towards the Ismailis
in 500/1107 to capture the fort of Shahdiz, lying on a mountain about 8 km. to
the south of Ispahan, the capital of the Seljuq empire. In 494/1101, dai Ahmad
bin Abdul Malik bin Attash had occupied the fort of Shahdiz and converted
30,000 persons in Ispahan, and made Shahdiz as the Ismaili mission centre for
Fars as Alamut was the centre in Khorasan. When the fort of Shahdiz was
stormed, the Ismailis were massacred mercilessly. He held out with about 80 men
in what remained standing of the largely demolished fortress Shahdiz, who
fought bravely and were killed. His wife, decked in jewels leaped over the wall
to death, but did not submit. Dai Ahmad bin Abdul Malik was taken prisoner and
paraded through the streets of Ispahan. He was mocked, pelted with stones and
flayed alive. His son was also scourged to death. Another Ismaili fort, named
Khanlanjan, about 30 k.m. south of Ispahan was also razed by the Seljuqs.
In 501/1108, Sultan Muhammad sent a military expedition to
Alamut under the direction of his vizir, Ahmad bin Nizam al-Mulk. The fortress
of Alamut was stormed, but the attack fissiled out and could not attain its
end. But sultan Muhammad continued to be inimical to Ismailis. According to
Bernard Lewis in 'The Assassins' (London, 1967, p. 56), 'The capture of Alamut
by direct assault was clearly impossible. The sultan therefore tried another
method - a war of attrition which, it was hoped, would weaken the Ismailis to
the point where they could no longer resist attack.' In 503/1109, the reduction
of Alamut, therefore, was charged to Anushtagin Shirgir, the then governor of
Sawa. He destroyed the crops in Rudhbar and besieged the fort of Lamasar and
other castles for eight consecutive years. He also laid a siege over Alamut,
inflicted a severe hardship on the Ismailis, forcing Hasan bin Sabbah and many
others to send their wives and daughters to Girdkuh, where they were to earn
their keep by spinning. He never saw them again, nor did he thereafter permit
women to enter the castle. Hasan bin Sabbah had to ration the food among his
men to a bread and three fresh walnuts for each person. Anushtagin Shirgir got
regular reinforcement from the Seljuqid amirs of various districts. In
511/1118, when Anushtagin reared mangonels and was on the verge of reducing
Alamut, whose garrison was almost exhausted by bombardment, and the provision
was about to dwindle in three days, the news at once arrived of the death of
sultan Muhammad. Hence, the Seljuq armies were obliged to lift the siege and
left Rudhbar, paying no attention to Anushtagin's pleas to fight longer. He was
also obliged to abandon his siege of Alamut, and lost many men while
retreating. The Ismailis came into possession of all the supplies left behind
by the Seljuq armies. Bundari compiled 'Zubdatu'n Nasrah wa Nakhbatu'l Usrah'
(ed. M.T. Houtsma, Leiden, 1889) in 623/1226 and writes that the Seljuqid vizir
Qiwamuddin Nasir al-Dargazini, a secret Ismaili, may have played a seminal role
in preventing the Seljuqid victory and in procuring the withdrawal of
Anushtagin Shirgir's army from Rudhbar.
Sultan Muhammad's death was followed by another period of
internal disputes in the Seljuqid empire, which provided the Ismailis a respite
to recover from the severe blows and hardships inflicted upon them during last
eight years. Sultan Muhammad was succeeded by his son Mahmud in Ispahan, who
ruled for 14 years (511-525/1118-1131) over western Iran. He had to face with
other claimants for the throne. In time, three other sons of sultan Muhammad,
viz. Tughril II (526-529/1132-1134), Masud (529-547/1134-1152) and Suleman Shah
(555-556/1160-1161), as well as several of his grandsons, succeeded to the
sultanate in the west. Mahmud's uncle Sanjar, who controlled the eastern
provinces since 490/1097, now became generally accepted as the head of the
Seljuq family. In this capacity, Sanjar exercised a decisive role in settling
the succession disputes. At the outset, Mahmud had to face an invasion by
Sanjar, who defeated Mahmud at Sawa. But in the ensuing truce, Sanjar made
Mahmud his heir, while taking from him important territories in northern Iran,
Sanjar continued to dominate these territories. Meanwhile, Mahmud's brother
Tughril rebelled and occupied Gilan and Qazwin.
As the power of Alamut increased, the hostility of the
Seljuqs augmented in virulence, therefore, Sanjar also continued to follow
footprints of his predecessors. He dispatched troops against them in Kohistan
and himself moved against Alamut with a strong force. Hasan bin Sabbah tried
sundry times to dissuade the sultan from his designs with much persuasion,
appealing for peace, but all in vain. The menace and insolence of the Seljuqs
forced Hasan bin Sabbah to order one of his fidais to fix a dagger on the side
of the sultan's bed with a note around its hilt, which reads: 'Let it not
deceive you that I lie far from you on the rock of Alamut, because those whom
you have chosen for your service are at my command and obey my direction. One
who could fix this poniard in your bed could also have planted it in your
heart. But I saw in you a good man and have spared you. So let this be a
warning to you.' The sultan took fright having filled with great awe. He
ordered the raising of the siege, and desisted from his inimical designs and
concluded a pact of peace with Hasan bin Sabbah in 516/1123, recognizing an independent
state of the Nizari Ismailis, and concluding to Hasan the right of collecting
revenues of Qumis and its dependencies. It also granted to the Ismailis the
right to levy toll on the caravans of traders passing beneath Girdkuh. Other
terms of the treaty were that the Ismailis should not build new castles; should
not any more buy armaments and should not enlist any new convert to their faith
after the date of signing the treaty.
