Ahmad bin Abdullah, Muhammad al-Habib, or Abul Hussain,
surnamed at-Taqi (God-fearing), also called Taqi Muhammad, was born in 174/790
and ascended in 212/828. He lived secretly with his followers as a merchant at
Salamia. He is also called Sahib al-Rasail (Lord of the epistles). He however
retained the services of Abdullah bin Maymun (d. 260/874) as his hujjat.
W.Ivanow writes in 'Ismailis and Qarmatians' (JBBRAS,
Bombay, 1940, p. 73) that, 'The second hidden Imam, the author of the
Encyclopaedia of the Ikhwanu's Safa, or Sahib al-Rasail, as he is usually
referred to in the Ismaili theological works, is also known definitely as
Ahmad.'
Taqi Muhammad was known as an eminent Hashimite trader,
making the people to flock at his residence. It suspected the Syrian governor,
who communicated its report to caliph Mamun Rashid, who issued order to arrest
Taqi Muhammad, but the latter had quitted Salamia in advance for few years.
Ismaili History 425 - Trend of philosophy in Islam
To understand the meaning of philosophy in Islam, it is best
to examine the use of the terms falsafah and hikmah in various traditional
sources. The term hikmah appears in several places in the Holy Koran, of which
perhaps the most often cited is, 'He gives wisdom (hikmah) to whom He wills,
and he to whom wisdom is given' (2:269). It also appears in the hadith
literature that 'The acquisition of hikmah is incumbent upon you. Verily the
good resides in hikmat' and according one another hadith, 'Speak not of hikmah
to fools' (alaika bil himkati fa-innal ghair).
After the rise of the Abbasids, the Iranian who excelled the
Arabs in learning and scholarship, became associated with their empire. In fact
they were the intellectual cream of that society, being greatly inclined
towards philosophy, for which the Arabs had no taste. It was for this reason
that during the Umayyad period in Damascus, known as the Arab national rule,
the intellectual discipline like philosophy never acquired popularity. But
during the Abbasid rule, because of the close association of the Iranians, the
Greek philosophy acquired great currency. Thus in those days, it was the Muslim
intellectuals who kept the torch of Greek philosophy burning. They realized
that the old religious ideas must not be taken in their literal meaning,
imparting that the mystical philosophy of esotericism owed its distinct origin
to the words of Koran. The Mutazalites were in front to see Islamic teachings
on the scale of philosophy. Baghdad became not only the metropolis, but also an
important centre at that time.
The function of philosophy is nothing more than speculating
on the beings and considering them in so far as they lead to the knowledge of
the Creator. The Holy Koran exhorts man to this kind of rational consideration
(i'tibar) in many a verse such as: 'Consider, you who have vision.' Thus
al-i'tibar is a Koranic term which means something more than pure speculation
or reflection (nazar). M.M. Sharif writes in 'Philosophical Teachings of the
Quran' (cf. 'History of Muslim Philosophy', Germany, 1963, 1st vol., p. 137)
that, 'The Quran claims to give an exposition of universal truths with regard
to these problems - an exposition couched in a language and a terminology which
the people immediately addressed, the Arabs, with the intellectual background
they had at the time of its revelation, could easily understand, and which the
people of other lands, and other times, speaking other languages, with their
own intellectual background could easily interpret. It makes free use of
similitude to give a workable idea of what is incomprehensible in its essence.'
According to 'al-Kafi' (Tehran, 1978, p. 76) by Kulaini (d.
329/941), Jafar Sadik once said: 'It is obligation on you to gain sound
comprehensions of the religion of God and not to be like the rustic Bedouin
Arabs, since God on the day of judgement, will neither cast even a glance at nor
will He purify the deeds of a person who has developed no understanding of the
religion.' The Arabs with scarce means and resources at their disposal in the
desert, had no tradition of speculative philosophy. They could not achieve
intellectual sophistication, and therefore, they were both physically and
intellectually very simple people. Islam too bore this imprint, and its
teachings were comparatively simple and speculative thought having an emphasis
on external observations. The situation had changed drastically during the
Abbasid period. Islam was no longer a simple faith it used to be believed in
the Arabian desert. It was a Semitic religion universalized to embrace
non-Semitic elements. The Iranians who embraced Islam had intuitive and
speculative minds, and they saw Islam with such minds. In sum, the Iranians
were so more cultivated, both in education and tradition, that the ordinary
Arabs were looked down upon as coarse ruffians and uncouth barbarians. Nor did
the Arabs have anything special to point to in self-defence against such
sneers, except their priority as a cradle within the Islam. In sum, the Arabs
were only in exceptional cases mystically minded, who were generally content
with the literal and the way to God along extrinsic lines had been enough for
them. The cultivation of philosophical trend therefore, had been strongest
among the Muslims in non-Arabs lands.
Ibn Sina writes in 'al-Isharat' that, 'Philosophy is the
exercise of intellect, enabling man to know Being as it is in itself. It is
incumbent upon man to do this by the exercise of his intellect, so that he may
ennoble his soul and make it perfect, and may become a rational scientist, and
get the capacity of eternal bliss in hereafter.' During the time of new
philosophical approach, the orthodox circles had two options open before them;
either to adopt a rigid stance, or to assimilate the trend. The orthodox
orbits, however, tenaciously reacted against this pattern.
It must be noted that the legacy of Greek philosophy had
ended with the school of Aristotle (384-322 B.C.), but it reappeared blended
with Oriental thought under the name of Neo-Platonism (al-aflatuniyat
al-muhdathah), propounded by Plotinus (207-270 A.D.). He was succeeded by his
pupil, Porphyry (233-305), who made certain modifications. Proclus (411-485)
was the last great schoolman, who had left it in a form in which it was taken
up by the Muslim thinkers.
The Ismaili dawa was yet in the cradle during that period,
who opted the philosophical course, and provided an ideal climate for the new
philosophical tendency with the ever living role of the Imams. The Ismaili dais
were well aware of the intellectual trend, who sincerely desired to creatively
apply Neo-Platonism in the teachings of Islam. What is known as tawil in Ismaili
jargon was nothing but the esoteric explanation of the exoteric teachings and
practices of Islam. This assimilation attracted a number of eminent persons
towards Ismailism. The Neo-Platonism readily found a congenial home for itself
within the world of Shiism. It was for this principal cause that the orthodox
theologians vehemently opposed the rational interpretation, and wrongly accused
Ismailism of having suspended the operation of the Islamic Shariah. The Ismaili
Imams however never allowed their followers to disregard the observance of the
outward injunctions, but imparted the hidden meaning of the Koranic verses.
They had nothing to do with political opportunism and remained away from its
vortex and clung fast to their doctrines.
Ismaili History 426 - Abu Tirmizi in Abbasid court
Abu Sa'id Tirmizi, known as Abu Tirmizi was an Iranian
Ismaili dai. He seems to have been active in the villages of Iraq. Tradition
has it that he once happened to visit Baghdad and joined the philosophical
deliberations of the Mutazalites in the Abbasid court. It is recounted that
someone informed caliph Mamun that Abu Tirmizi was an Ismaili dai, whereupon,
he summoned him in a separate chamber. Mamun treated him tactfully, pretending
that he was too a secret follower of Taqi Muhammad and said, 'I am an ardent
lover of the Imam. I cherish a desire to hand over my caliphate to the Imam
when I behold him and will serve him whole- heartedly.' Abu Tirmizi delighted
on Mamun's words, but did not divulge his identity and left the court. He
resided in Baghdad for few months and when he found that nobody followed him,
he made his way towards Salamia and visited Imam's residence. During the course
of discussion, he said to Taqi Muhammad that, 'Mawla! caliph Mamun feels
himself ashamed in his actions against us. He is ready to abdicate the temporal
power in your favour, therefore, you manifest publicly and assume the
caliphate.' Taqi Muhammad said, 'O' Tirmizi! you have not yet known the
deceitful trick of the Abbasids. The heart of Mamun is full of animosity. He is
a liar and hypocrite. His heart is harder than stone.' Abu Tirmizi however
continued to insist, whereupon the Imam said, 'I allow you to go once again to
Mamun's court if you have still trust on his words and claim yourself as if an
Imam. He will swiftly hand over you his caliphate if he is truly a follower. If
so, you let me know, so that I may manifest publicly.' Abu Tirmizi said,
'Mawla! Mamun is very clever and will persecute me if I fail to show him the
signs of Imamate if asked.' Taqi Muhammad replied, 'The time itself will favour
you. He will be surprised through my light and you will surely pass through his
trials. But remember, Mamun is not a faithful and he will execute you.'
Abu Tirmizi returned to Baghdad and managed to see caliph
Mamun once again and said, 'O'caliph! I am an Imam on earth. I have concealed
my legitimate claim during our first meeting due to your fear. You must trust
me, as I am indeed an Imam.' Upon hearing, Mamun discoursed with him on
religious matters and asked many questions. When he became satisfied, he
ordered his soldiers, who brutally beheaded Abu Tirmizi in the court. It is
also said that caliph Mamun was made known that he had executed an Ismaili dai
and not the Imam, therefore, he ordered to find whereabouts of Imam Taqi
Muhammad.
Ismaili History 427 - Origin of the Mutazalism
The account of the origin of Mutazalism given by Shahrastani
is widely accepted as the standard one. According to his account, once Hasan
Basri (d. 110/728), one of the earliest Sufis, was imparting instructions to
his pupil in a mosque. Before the lessons were finished, someone turned up and
asked, whether they should regard the grave sinner as a believer or an
unbeliever. Hasan Basri was on the point of giving a reply to this query when a
long-necked pupil, Wasil bin Ata (d. 131/748), burst into discussion with the
assertion that the perpetrator of grave sins is neither a complete unbeliever
nor a perfect; he is placed midway between unbelief and belief - an intermediate
state, i.e., manzila bayn al-manzilatayn (a position between the two
positions). Having spoken he strode to another pillar of the mosque followed by
a number of those in the circle. Hasan Basri shot a swift glance at him and
said that, 'He has withdrawn (i'tazala anna) from us.' From this remark
originated the name, Mutazila or Mutazalite, i.e., the Withdrawers or
Secessionists. Other versions have a similar story, but the man who withdraws
is not Wasil bin Ata but Amr bin Ubaid (d. 144/761). About the same time as al-
Khayyat Ibn Qutayba wrote of Amr that he held the doctrine of Qadar and made
propaganda for it; and he and his followers withdrew (i'tazala) from Hasan
Basri and were called the Mutazila. Ibn Munabbih says that the title of
Mutazila came into vogue after the death of Hasan Basri. When Hasan passed
away, Qatada succeeded him and continued his work. Amr bin Ubaid and his
followers avoided the company of Qatada, therefore, they were given the title
of al-Mutazila.
The material so far examined shows a divergence of view on
whether the leader was Amr or Wasil. Yet other considerations, however, suggest
that the originator of the sect in the form in which it became famous was
neither of these men but Abul Hudhayl and his generation. The statement of Ibn
Hazm shows that the Mutazalites were a group of rationalists who judged all
Islamic beliefs by theoretical reason and renounced those that related to all
that lay beyond the reach of reason. They raised the problems of freewil and
determinism, the attributes of God, the nature of the soul, the createdness of
the Koran, etc. In sum, an endless chain of polemics was started by them in the
Muslim society to such extent that Islam began to be assailed both from inside
and outside. The situation was fraught with great danger for the faith. When
the various forces arrayed themselves against the extremism of the
rationalists, the orthodox ulema also reacted against them negatively.
Ismaili History 428 - The Rasail Ikhwan as-Safa
The Abbasid caliph Mamun (d. 218/833) also patronized
philosophy and professed Mutazalism. It was an interesting trend among the
educated elite to drift towards Greek philosophy and ultimately a bulk of the
contradictions raised among the Muslims in interpretating Islamic practices. It
must be known on this juncture that the intellect is an indispensable faculty
in man, but despite this, its power of penetration has a definite limit. It may
enjoy apparent supremacy and mastery in certain fields, but there are many
things which are baffling and incomprehensible to it. The intellect cannot
grasp a thing as a whole and its entirety. Its range of operation is limited,
and therefore a true spiritual master is needed to guide a proper method.
When the independent philosophical trend was perceived a
threat to the Islamic Shariah from liberal sciences, a knot of earnest thinkers
began to flock in a house in Basra at a fixed season to reconcile the
philosophy and religion. They were the Ikhwan most probably an agency or organ
of the Ismaili mission. They tried to evolve a new synthesis in order to save
Islamic teachings from being swept away by the new flood of knowledge. Sayed
Amir Ali writes in 'The Spirit of Islam' (London, 1955, p. 432) that, 'It was
at this epoch of travail and sorrow for all lovers of truth that a small body
of thinkers formed themselves into a Brotherhood to keep alive the lamp of
knowledge among the Muslims, to introduce a more healthy tone among the people,
to arrest the downward course of the Muslims towards ignorance and fanaticism,
in fact, to save the social fabric from utter ruin. They called themselves the
Brothers of Purity, Ikhwan-as-Safa.'
The Arabic phrase 'Ikhwan as-Safa' has been variously
translated by orientalists as 'Brethren of Purity' (R.A. Nicholson), 'The Pure
Brethren' (H.A.R. Gibb), 'Sincere Brethren' (W. Montgomery Watt), 'Sincere
Friends' (G.E. Von Grunebaum), 'die lauteren Bruder' (C. Brokelmann), 'die
treuen Freunde' (ibid), 'die aufrichtigen Bruder und treuen Freunde' (G.
Flugel), or 'les Freres de la Purete' (A. Awa). The full name of the
association was Ikhwan al-Safa wa Khullan al-Wafa wa Ahl al-adl wa abna al-Hamd
(i.e., 'The Brethren of Purity, the Faithful Friends, the Men of Justice and
the Sons deserving praiseworthy Conduct'), a name which was suggested to them
by the chapter of the 'Ring-Necked Dove' in Kalimah wa Dimnah. Different
explanations are offered for the appellation, Ikhwan as-Safa. Nicholson and
Levy write on the authority of Ibn Qifti (d. 646/1248) that its title is
derived from their declaration that the Islamic Shariah in their time had
become defiled with ignorance and adulterated with errors, and the only way to
purify it was by means of philosophy. Tibawi rather than Goldziher was
therefore closer to the truth when he observed that the name 'Ikhwan as-Safa'
was chosen as an imitation of the Sufi tendency to associate their name with
safa (purity).
It is said that the members of the Ikhwan as-Safa formed a
sort of Masonic Lodge, who lived in the Lower Mesopotamian river port of Basra;
debating on literature, religion, philosophy and science. The association or
club kept their proceedings concealed, and none were admitted. They were
classed into four grades according to their moral and age, rather elevation of
soul. The first grade consisted of young men between 15 and 30 years of age,
who were initiated into complete obedience to their teachers. The second grade
included men between 30 and 40 years, who were given secular education and
awareness of philosophy as well. To the third grade belonged men between the
ages of 40 and 50 who had a more adequate knowledge of divine law working in
the universe. The fourth grade comprised men over 50 years, who were supposed
to have an insight into the reality of things. Their philosophical meetings
took place three evenings each month at the start, middle and sometimes between
25th and the end of the month. They also celebrated three major feasts in the
year, and both the meetings and feasts were closely related and coincided with
the entry of the sun into three Zodiacal Signs of the Ram (Aries), the Scorpion
(Cancer) and the Balance (Libra). These feasts were also co-related with the
Islamic feasts of Id al-Fitr, Id al-Adha and Id al-Ghadir. They also held
special gathering (majlis), each one on every twelve days. This secret
association has left behind a standing monument of its achievements in an
encyclopaedia, known as 'Ikhwan as-Safa', comprising of 52 epistles (rasail)
with the following topics:-
14 epistles on Mathematics.
17 epistles on Natural Sciences.
10 epistles on Psychological and Rational Sciences.
11 epistles on Theological Sciences.
It also classified the science in three major groups as
under:-
a) Mathematics: includes theory of number, geometry,
astronomy, geography, music, theoretical and practical arts, ethics and logic.
b) Physics: includes matter, form, motion, time, space, sky,
generation, minerals, planets, animals, human body, senses of life and death,
microcosm, pleasure, pain and language.
c) Metaphysics: divided into psycho-rationalism and
theology.
i) psychics, rationalistic, being, macrocosm, mind, love,
resurrection and causality.
ii) belief, faith, divine law, prophethood, etc.
The Epistles of the Ikhwan occupy a place in the first rank
of Arabic literature. It is also the great treasure house of Sufic thought. For
example, it says: 'Know, O brother, that your soul is potentially an angel, and
can become One in actuality if you follow the path of the prophets and the
masters of the divine laws.' (Rasail 4th vol., p. 122), and also 'All creation
will ultimately return to Him since He is the source of their very existence,
substance, immortality and perfection' (Rasail 3rd vol., p. 285).
The Epistles were distributed in various mosques of Baghdad.
It played an important role by attempting a creative synthesis of Greek
philosophy and the doctrines of Islam, giving a new dimension to the religion.
It attracted the best intellectuals of its time and saved Islam from the
heritical inroads that were preying upon it. It aimed to impart that if the
tawil is carefully studied similarities with philosophical tools, the essence
of the Islamic teachings can be easily discovered logically. It must be known
that it greatly impacted the rationalists and after 270/850, even the Mutazalites
became more and more a small coterie of academic theologians cutt off from the
masses of the people and exercising no more influence on the further course of
Islamic thought.
The compiler of Ikhwan as-Safa concealed his identity so
skillfully that modern scholarship has spilled much ink in trying to trace the
members of group. Using vivid metaphor, the members referred to themselves as
'sleepers in the cave' (Rasail 4th, p. 18). In one place they gave as their
reason for hiding their secrets from the people, not fear of earthly rulers nor
trouble from the common populace, but a desire to protect their God-given gifts
(Rasail 4th, p. 166). Yet they were well aware that their esoteric teachings
might provoke unrest, and the calamities suffered by the successors of the
Prophet were a good reason to remain hidden until the right day came for them
to emerge from their cave and wake from their long sleep (Rasail 4th, p. 269).
To live safely, it was necessary for their doctrines to be cloaked. Ian Richard
Netton, however writes in 'MusIim Neoplatonists' (London, 1982, p. 80) that,
'The Ikhwan's concepts of exegesis of both Quran and Islamic tradition were
tinged with the esoterism of the Ismailis.' Strangely enough, in dealing with
the doctrines of Qadariya and Sabaeans of Harran, the Epistles do not mention
the Ismailism. Yet it was the Ismailis, perhaps more than any other, which had
the most profound effect on the structure and vocabulary of the Epistles.
Almost the average scholars have attempted to show that the Ikhwan (brothers)
were definitely Ismailis. A.A.A. Fyzee (1899-1981), for instance, writes in
'Religion in the Middle East', (ed. by A.J. Arberry, Cambridge, 1969, 2nd vol.,
p. 324) that, 'The tracts are clearly of Ismaili origin; and all authorities, ancient
and modern, are agreed that the Rasail constitute the most authoritative
exposition of the early form of the Ismaili religion.' According to Yves
Marquet, 'It seems indisputable that the Epistles represent the state of
Ismaili doctrine at the time of their compositions' (vide, 'Encyclopaedia of
Islam', 1960, p. 1071) Bernard Lewis in 'The Origins of Ismailism' (London,
1940, p. 44) was more cautious than Fyzee, ranking the Epistles among books
which, though 'closely related to Ismailism' may not actually have been
Ismaili, despite their batini inspiration. Ibn Qifti (d.646/1248), reporting in
the 7th/13th century in 'Tarikh-i Hukama' (p. 82) that, 'Opinions differed
about the authors of the Epistles. Some people attributed to an Alid Imam,
proffering various names, whereas other put forward as author some early
Mutazalite theologians.'
Tibawi in 'Ikhwan as-Safa and their Rasail' (p. 37) has
aptly linked their content to the draft of deliberations by a learned society
composed by a well educated secretary, and this could be very close to the
truth. It is certainly possible that the Epistles could be the work of one
author only, for there are significant lapses from the usual plural mode of
address into the first person singular. It also appears that the Epistles were
not completely authored by a specific person, but it was the outcome of the
intellectual deliberations of the learned thinkers inspired from the close
directive of the specific person. It may also be possible that the specific
author had been referred the deliberations in writing for approval, who had
edited and deleted the irrelevant portions, and projected into different
Epistles. When the Epistles had been circulated widely, the secret club founded
in Basra and its branches were liquidated with a view that their secret mission
had been accomplished.
Among the Syrian Ismailis, the earliest reference of the
Epistles and its relation with the Ismailis is given in 'Kitab Fusul wa'l
Akhbar' by Nurudin bin Ahmad (d. 233/849). Another important work, 'al-Usul
wa'l-Ahakam' by Abul Ma'ali Hatim bin Imran bin Zuhra (d. 498/1104), quoted by
Arif Tamir in 'Khams Rasa'il Ismailiyya' (Salamia, 1956, p. 120), writes that,
'These dais, and other dais with them, collaborated in composing long Epistles,
fifty-two in number, on various branches of learning.' It implies the Epistles
being the product of the joint efforts of the Ismaili dais.
Among the Yamenite traces, the earliest reference of the
Epistles is found in 'Sirat-i Ibn Hawshab' by Garar bin Mansur al-Yamen, who
lived between 270/883 and 360/970, and writes, 'He (Imam Taqi Muhammad) went
through many a difficulty and fear and the destruction of his family, whose
description cannot be lengthier, until he issued (ansa'a) the Epistles and was
contacted by a man called Abu Gafir from among his dais. He charged him with
the mission as was necessary and asked him to keep his identity concealed.'
This source not only asserts the connection of the Epistles with the Ismailis,
but also indicates that the Imam himself was not the sole author (sahibor
mu'allif), but only the issuer or presenter (al-munsi). It suggests that the
text of the philosophical deliberations was given a final touching by the Imam,
and the approved text was delivered to Abu Gafir to be forwarded possibly to
the Ikhwan in Basra secretly. Since the orthodox circles and the ruling power
had portrayed a wrong image of Ismailism, the names of the compilers were
concealed. The prominent members of the secret association seem to be however,
Abul Hasan al-Tirmizi, Abdullah bin Mubarak, Abdullah bin Hamdan, Abdullah bin
Maymun, Sa'id bin Hussain etc. The other Yamenite source connecting the
Epistles with the Ismailis was the writing of Ibrahim bin al-Hussain al-Hamidi
(d. 557/1162), who compiled 'Kanz al-Walad.' After him, there followed
'al-Anwar al-Latifa' by Muhammad bin Tahir (d. 584/1188), 'Tanbih al-Ghafilin'
by Hatim bin Ibrahim (d. 596/1199), 'Damigh al-Batil wa haft al-Munazil' by Ali
bin Muhammad bin al-Walid al-Anf (d. 612/1215), 'Risalat al-Wahida' by Hussain
bin Ali al-Anf (d. 667/1268) and 'Uyun'l-Akhbar' by Idris Imaduddin (d.
872/1468) etc.
Virtually, nothing is known in detail about the Ismailis
during the veiled era, and it seems that most of the renowned Ismailis had
adopted taqiya. According to 'Ikhwan as-Safa' (Rasail 21st., p. 166), 'Know,
that among us there are kings, princes, khalifs, sultans, chiefs, ministers,
administrators, tax agents, treasurers, officers, chamberlains, notables,
nobles, servants of kings and their military supporters. Among us too there are
merchants, artisans, agriculturists and stock breeders. There are builders,
landowners, the worthy and wealthy, gentlefolk and possessors of all many
virtues. We also have persons of culture, of science, of piety and of virtue.
We have orators, poets, eloquent persons, theologians, grammarians, tellers of
tales and purveyors of lore, narrators of traditions, readers, scholars,
jurists, judges, magistrates and ecstatics. Among us too there are
philosophers, sages, geometers, astronomers, naturalists, physicians, diviners,
soothsayers, casters of spells and enchantments, interpreters of dreams,
alchemists, astrologers, and many other sorts, too many to mention.'
The preceding inventory suggests that the Ismaili faith had
been penetrated privily in the people of all walks of life. Joel Carmichael
writes in 'The Shaping of the Arabs' (London, 1969, p. 386) that, 'The Ismaili
sect seems to have elaborated its doctrines in such a way as to attract a great
part of the social discontent into its own channels and to have had immense
appeal for the common people who were suffering so much from the social
afflictions of the period. Beginning with the substantial peasant support and
gradually infiltrating the urban workers, especially the craftsmen, with their
revolutionary ideas, the Ismailis seem to have created some of the Islamic
craft guilds.'
During dawr-i satr, the Ismaili dais preached that an Imam
in the descent of Jafar Sadik would manifest in near future as a promised
Mahdi. The fragment of this prediction is also sounded in 'Ikhwan as-Safa' (2nd
vol., p. 290) that: 'We hope that there will appear from our community the
Imam, the Mahdi, who is the expected one (al-muntazar) from the house of
Prophet Muhammad.'
Prof. Masudul Hasan writes in 'History of Islam' (Lahore,
1987, 1st vol., p. 486) that, 'Al-Habib (Taqi Muhammad) had his headquarters at
Salamiah near Hims in Syria, and from there he sent missionaries in all
directions to propagate the Ismaili creed and enrol adherents.'
The period of Taqi Muhammad is also noted for the several
skilled exponents of Sufi thought, such as Harith Muhasibi, Dhun al-Nun Misri
(d. 243/859), Bayazid Bustami (d. 260/874), Junaid Baghdadi (d. 298/910), etc.
Taqi Muhammad exercised taqiya during the period of his
Imamate to escape the snares of the Abbasids. A rhetorical reference to him is
found in 'Rasail Ikhwan as-Safa' (Rasail 4th, p. 199), indicating that the
veiled Imam was apparent in reality.
Taqi Muhammad is reported to have died in 225/840 in Salamia
after bequeathing the office of Imamate to his son, Hussain surnamed, Radi
Abdullah. His another son, Muhammad surnamed Sa'id al-Khayr, whose posterity
were living in Salamia and killed at the hands of the Qarmatians in 290/902.
Ismaili History 429 - RADI ABDULLAH (225-268/840-881)
Hussain bin Ahmad or Abu Abdullah, surnamed az-Zaki, known
as Hussain ar-Radi, or Radi Abdullah (Servant of God who is satisfied and
content), was born in 210/825 and assumed the Imamate in 225/840. He is also
called Muhammad and al-Muqtada al-Hadi. His also kept his identity secret being
represented by his hujjat, Ahmad, surnamed al-Hakim.
Tabari (3rd vol., p. 2232) refers to his son, al-Mahdi under
the name of Ibn al-Basri (the son of Basra), emphasising the connection of Radi
Abdullah with southern Mesopotamia and the adjoining province of Khuzistan.
The Abbasid caliph al-Mutasim (218-227/833-842) was followed
in succession by al-Wasik (227-232/842-847), al-Mutawakkil (232-247/847- 861),
al-Muntasir (247-248/861-862), al-Mustain (248-252/862-866), al-Mutaz
(252-255/866-869), al-Muhtadi (255-256/869-870) and al- Mutamid
(256-279/870-892).
Radi Abdullah is celebrated in devoting time to complete the
task of his father, his teachings and institutions. In his time, the faith of
the Ismailis spread by leaps and bounds with galloping speed through out the
length and breath of Arabia.
Radi Abdullah was an erudite scholar and is celebrated to
have epitomised 'Ikhwan as-Safa' into an instructive synopsis (al-jamia). Its
full name was 'ar-Risalat al-Jamia' (the comprehensive espistle). It served as
a substitute for the Epistle of 'Ikhwan as-Safa' and was intended for private
circulation among the more advanced members of the groups. The al-Jamia is the
backbone of the Epistles, which was further summarized in 'Risalat al-Jamiat
al-Jamia an al-Zubdah min Rasail Ikhwan as-Safa' (the condensation of the
comprehensive epistles, or the cream of the epistles of Ikhwan as-Safa).
It must be known that the monograph of 'ar-Risalat al-Jamia'
was awarded the first Howard Bliss Prize by the American University of Beirut
in 1929, and was subsequently published serially in the Journal of that
institution, vide 'al-Kulliyat' (vol. xvii, 1930-1).
Ismaili History 430 - Ahmad bin Abdullah bin Maymun
He was born in 204/828 and had joined the Ismaili mission at
youth. He conducted his activities in Iran and Iraq. His father had sent him
with a deputation to make a survey in Yamen, where he collected the
informations for the headquarters and also travelled as far as Bahrain. After
his father's death in 260/874, he returned to Salamia, where Radi Abdullah
promoted him to the rank of hujjat. He was known in Salamia as Ahmad al-Hakim,
and died in 275/888. He was a man of great ability and is credited with having
surveyed the above regions for forthcoming mission works.
Ismaili History 431 - Mission of Ibn Hawshab in Yamen
Radi Abdullah had dispatched his dais in all directions, the
most acclaimed among them was Abul Qassim Hasan bin Farah bin Hawshab,
generally known by the epithet, Mansur al-Yamen (the victorious one of the
Yamen). Ibn Hawshab was originally a Twelver, and is said to have spent most of
time in a secluded spot on the bank of Euphrates. In such state, he is reported
to have met Radi Abdullah and discoursed with him on religion. Imam left him
after promising to see him again. Ibn Hawshab was impressed by his chance
meeting with the Imam, and was eager to further meeting. After an anxious wait
for several days, the Imam did not appear again, thus he became restless and
began to search him. Despite his frantic efforts to locate the Imam's
whereabouts, he could not trace him. After sometimes, he accidently met the
Imam's deputy, and through him, Ibn Hawshab eventually succeeded in reaching
the Imam's presence. Radi Abdullah answered his queries to his satisfaction and
assuaged his doubts, and at length he espoused Ismailism. Radi Abdullah
imparted him the knowledge of Islamic creed, tenets and esoterism.
When the Imam found that Ibn Hawshab was firmly grounded in
Ismaili faith and groomed enough for the responsibility of its promulgation, he
jointly entrusted him and his colleague, Ibn Fazal, with the task of Ismaili
mission in Yamen. Before they set off on their venture, Radi Abdullah summoned
them in a private audience and urged to respect each other, and avoid any sort
of religious difference. He also entrusted Ibn Hawshab with a voluminous tome
which comprehensively dwelled upon the exoteric and esoteric aspects of Ismaili
faith. Thus, being equipped with verbal as well as written guidances, both of
them set forth on their mission to Yamen in 266/880. Mecca was their first
destination, and accosted the pilgrim caravan from Yamen. They proceeded at
last to Yamen, and after reaching, both of them separated. Ibn Hawshab headed
towards the southern region, and focused his mind on the village of Adanla'a,
thickly populated by the Shiites. He married to a local woman and settled down
in Adanla'a under strict taqiya. He succeeded to convert the inhabitants. When
he found the time appropriate to reveal his identity, he discreetly started his
mission, inviting the people to the Ismaili fold and accepting oath of
allegiance on behalf of Radi Abdullah and his successor. On other side, Ibn
Fazal also followed similar tract, and succeeded in winning the sympathy and
adherence of the people of Saroyafoa.
Ibn Hawshab had managed to take possession of a stronghold
constructed on a hillock and made it his headquarters. He arranged military
training for his followers. He also took possession of Jabal al-Jusaysah and
Jabal al-Maswar. Ibn Hawshab however assured the people that his campaigns were
neither after booty nor personal glory, but these were meant to promulgate true
Islamic message through Ismailism. Finally, he conquered Sana'a, the capital of
Yamen, and exiled the ruling tribe of Banu Laydir, and established Ismaili
authority in Yamen.
The Ismaili mission reached the apex of its influence in
Yamen, from where Ibn Hawshab dispatched many dais to the farthest corners.
Thus, Yamen became a vital zone and an important hub of Ismaili dawa. In the
time of Radi Abdullah, Abu Abdullah al-Shi'i had embraced Ismailism, who was
sent to Yamen for further training. Ibn Hawshab was loyal to the Imam till his
last breath and died in 302/914. While reading his biography, we will greatly
move the streak of intellectual honesty which ran through his very nature.
Ismaili History 432 - Khalaf al-Hallaj
Abdullah bin Maymun (d. 260/874) is reported to have also
sent a dai called Khalaf al-Hallaj, the cotton-dresser to Ray in about the
middle of the third century with the instructions: 'Go to Ray, because there
are many Shias in Ray, Aba, Qumm, Kashan and the provinces of Tabaristan and
Mazandaran, who will listen to your call.' Khalaf went to the neighbourhood of
Ray and resided in the district of Fashafuya, in a village called Kulin. He
examined the local situation and started his secret mission. His secret
activities however attracted attention, therefore he moved to nearby city of
Ray, where he died. He is remembered as the founder of Ismaili dawa in Iran,
and the converted people locally became known as Khalafiyya. He was succeeded
by his son Ahmad, whose chief disciple was Ghiyath from the village of Kulin.
Radi Abdullah continued his peaceful living in Salamia,
associating the local Hashimites. He also kept on good terms with the local
governor. He seems to have been active in scholarly matters without a bearing
in the politics. He was rolling in plenty; yet he contented himself with plain
dress and simple food. He was humble in disposition and very hospitable. He is
said to have granted allowances from his wealth to the poor and disabled
persons in Salamia without discrimination between the Ismailis and
non-Ismailis. Tradition has it that he was fond of horsing, shooting, hunting
and archery, which had been also a favourite pastime of the Hashimites in
Syria.
When Radi Abdullah felt that the shadows of his death were
closing upon him, he consigned the office of Imamate to his son, Muhammad al-
Mahdi, saying, according to Ibn Khaldun that: 'You are the promised Mahdi. You
would take refuge in a remote land after my death, where you would have to
submit to hard trials.' (vide 'Tarikh', Karachi, 1966, 5th vol., p. 93).
Radi Abdullah died in 268/881 at Salamia while he was
travelling in the vicinity, appointing before his death as his trustee his own
brother, Muhammad bin Ahmad, surnamed Sa'id al-Khayr as the guardian of his
son, al-Mahdi. His death in 268/881 remarkably marks the termination of dawr-i
satr (concealment period) in the Ismaili history.
Ismaili History 433 - Hidden Imams in Dawr-i Satr
It is worth mentioning that the most important aspect of the
Ismailism, which deserves serious treatment is to keep everything secret under
the garb of taqiya connected with their faith, tending their enemies to
contrived baseless stories and myths against them. The veiled period (dawr-i
satr) thus became benigh climate for them to cultivate different wrong
genealogies of the Imams. Thus, the ancestry of the Fatimids has confounded the
students of history due to divergent accounts given by the historians, which
had been developed round the persons of the 'hidden Imams' (aima'i masturin)
during concealment period. The widespread Abbasid propaganda, the derogatory
attitude of Sunnite and Shiite authors make difficult to decide one way or the
other about the legitimacy of their claim. In the light of the Fatimid policy,
we are inclined to believe that the Fatimids deliberately seem to have avoided
discussing the matter of their ancestry. It emerges from this a safe conclusion
that it was a preconceived plan of the Fatimids to keep their genealogy a top
secret, owing to the intricate and dark passages it passed through and due to
contradictions involved in the adoption of assumed names by the hidden Imams.
The variety of lineages suggested by the writers amounted to
several hundreds, and the lineage between Wafi Ahmad and Radi Abdullah alone
has been altered in no less than fifty ways. Since the hidden Imams had assumed
different names in various regions to outsiders, in order to evade the
vigilance of the Abbasids, the historians derived their informations on
hearsay. The Ismaili Imams of that period were too cautious to disclose their
true names; instead they assumed names, other than their owns and used for
themselves the names of their dais. The hidden Imams, for the most part, could
not pass the settled lives in specific places, but were known by names other
than their own, sometimes by names of their dais and hujjats as a precautionary
measure designed to ward off the danger of their persons being discovered.
The absence of detailed biographies of the three hidden
Imams is also the result of their having lived in strict disguise. This seems
quite probable, if one realizes the situation very seriously. What in fact
would the popular memory preserve about the Imams when these were living
ostensibly as local merchants, carrying on their business, associating with
friends, directing their followers through secret agency of mission, marrying,
educating their children, etc. The memory of these traditions is very meagre,
retaining only reminiscences of the most important names and events. Similarly,
the Ismaili dais also disguised as pious merchants of slightly lower standing,
also left behind very trivial traces. Thus the leaving of any trace of their
activities in writing was obviously avoided as much as possible. W.Ivanow
writes in 'The Rise of the Fatimids' (Calcutta, 1942, pp. 43-44) that, 'Thus
the long blank period in the story of the Imams, living in such conditions,
cannot reasonably be taken as valid proof of the falsity of their claims to
continuous succession from their original ancestor, Ismail b. Jafar.'
Even though the period of concealment and fear of the
Abbasids were no longer in existence, the Fatimids were insistent not to
divulge the names of their earlier three hidden Imams, the link between Imam
al-Mahdi and Imam Muhammad bin Ismail. It seems quite possible that these Imams
had assumed names for more than one time, and hid their true names, and were
too complicated to be clarified. The followers also seem to have given much
priority on the Imam of the time, descending from Muhammad bin Ismail. This
secrecy however led too much confusion and made it too hard to locate the real
names of the hidden Imams. It is also a striking feature that these three
hidden Imams are not mentioned by the early renowned Ismaili scholars, viz. Abu
Hatim ar-Razi (d. 322/934), Qadi Noman (d. 363/974), Jafar bin Mansur al-Yamen
(d. 365/975) and other authors of 4th/10th century.
Commenting the aggressive attitude of the historians, Ivanow
writes in 'The Rise of the Fatimids' (Calcutta, 1942, p. 29) that, 'With their
predominantly hostile tendency, each author vie with the others in inventing
something more humiliating and scandalous for the dynasty.' The diversity of
the names of the three hidden Imams can be judged from the following list of
some special surname and epithet, whose implications were intelligible only to
the trusted followers, indicating a causative factor of the contradictions in
the sources:
ABDULLAH : Radi, Ahmad, Abu Muhammad, al-Wafi AHMAD : Wafi,
Muhammad, Abul Hussain, at-Taqi. HUSSAIN : Muhammad, Taqi, Ahmad, Abu Abdullah,
az-Zaki, al-Muqtada al-Hadi, ar-Radi.
The fact about the Imams assuming the above code names in
one or more times can be derived from the letter of Imam al-Muizz
(341-365/953-975), which he routed in 354/965 to his dai in Sind, named Jaylam
bin Shayban, which is preserved in the 5th volume of 'Uyun'l-Akhbar' by Idris
Imaduddin. According to 'Expose de la Religion des Druzes' (Paris, 1838, p.
252) by de Sacy, 'These men (hidden Imams) obliged to seek concealment, took
sometimes one name and sometimes another, in order to shelter from the pursuit
of their enemies.' John Nicholson also writes in 'Establishment of the Fatemide
Dynasty in Northern Africa' (1840, p. 12) that, 'They themselves have taken
different names at different times in order to elude discovery.'
According to 'an-Naqdu'l-Khafi' by Hamza (cf. 'Expose de la
Religion des Druzes' by Silverstre de Sacy, Paris, 1838, p. 74) that the
Fatimid Caliph, al-Muizz had once said: 'I am the seventh in the second
heptad.' As is well known, al-Muizz was the 14th Imam in the second heptad. The
Imams of the first heptad were seven and the seventh one was Muhammad bin
Ismail, and the Imams followed after him were also seven to make al-Muizz as
the 14th Imam. Hence, the 13th Imam was al-Mansur, the 12th was al-Qaim and
11th was al-Mahdi. It therefore emerges conclusively that there must have been
three Imams between al-Mahdi and Muhammad bin Ismail, whose names were Abdullah
(Wafi Ahmad), Ahmad (Taqi Muhammad) and Hussain (Radi Abdullah) from 8th to
10th in the sequence. W. Ivanow writes in 'Ismailis and Qarmatians' (JBBRAS,
Bombay, 1940, p. 74) that, 'Being the fourth Fatimid Caliph, al-Muizz was the
seventh Imam after Muhammad bin Ismail. Thus this formally rejects the theory
of the Fatimids descending from Abdullah bin Maymun.'
The statement of al-Muizz however does not contain the
explicit names of the 'three hidden Imams', but before that, it is known that
al-Mahdi had sent a letter in Yamen, which reached there after his arrival in
Mahdiya in 308/921. Jafar bin Mansur al-Yamen (d. 365/975) had quoted the
letter in his 'al-Fara'id wa Hudud ad-Din' (pp. 13-19), wherein the names of
the three hidden Imams have been mentioned, viz. Abdullah, Ahmad and Muhammad.
Dr. Sami Nasib Makarem writes in 'The Hidden Imams of the Ismailis' (al-Abhath,
21, 1969, p. 24) in this context that, 'If al-Mahdi's letter is authentic, it
is one of the oldest documents that have come to light until now, and,
consequently a most reliable document, especially because it was written by the
Caliph al-Mahdi himself.'
Among the later Ismaili historians, Ahmad bin Muhammad
an-Naysaburi, the author of 'Istitaru'l-Imam', compiled under Imam al-Aziz
(365-386/975-996) seems first to have mentioned the names of the three hidden
Imams. Later on, such references appear in the works of Hamiduddin Kirmani (d.
408/1017), in his 'Tanbihu'l-Hadi wa'l-Mustahdi' and 'ar-Risalat al-Wa'iza'.
Idris Imaduddin (d. 872/1468) in 'Uyun'l-Akhbar' and Hasan bin Nuh Broachi (d.
939/1533) in 'Kitabu'l Azhar', had also advanced brief biographies of the three
hidden Imams.
In sum, R. Strothmann writes in 'Gnosis-Texte der
Ismailiten' (Gottingen, 1943, p. 59) that, 'The three Imams followed by
Muhammad bin Ismail were in concealment: Abdullah al-Rida, Ahmad al-Wafi and
Hussain al-Taqi, and finally the beginning of the Fatimid dynasty with
al-Mahdi.'
