Mahmud Shah, surnamed Abdus Salam or Salam Shah, whose exact date of birth is not known. But the evidence is in favour of his having been born in 859/1456 in Shahr-i Babak, where he mostly passed early life. He is also called Shah Salamullah. He ascended to the office of Imamate at the age of 21 years. It is related that he was a pragmatic scholar and had gleaned historical informations from his father and the elders of the community, notably the period streching from the reduction of Alamut to his time. Nothing is however known whether he compiled any work in this context.
It seems that Imam Mustansir billah II and his successor, Abdus Salam had strictly advised the Ismailis in Iran, Central Asia and India not to refer or divulge the name of the Imam of the time in presence of the ignorants, and adopt taqiya. For instance, it is written in 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi' (p. 56) that: 'O, truly-faithful believers, Mawlana Shah Mustansir bi'l-lah says: do not mention myself and the name of your Imam, Shah Abdu's-Salam Shah, in the presence of the ignorant and unbelieving people who have an innate hatred of the Prophetship and Imamate. You must, however, appeal to him in your heart and with your tongues. Conceal my whereabouts (sirr'i ma'ra) from the irreligious people of today (ghayr din'i zamana), so that you may for this attain the perfect reward and a righteous life. God the Bountiful will be pleased by you, the people of sincere faith, and your hearts will be enlightened, shinning, and full of joy.'
W. Ivanow comments on 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi' that, 'The book, or its greater part, was compiled under Shah Abdu's-Salam who succeeded Imam Mustansir bi'l-lah and thus really was the Imam of the time when the compiler was engaged in writing. The enigmatic passage on p. 56 may be easily explained if we suggest that Mustansir bi'l-lah told his followers not to disclose his own identity to outsiders, nor of the Imam of one's time generally. And as the Imam of the time at the moment when the compiler was writing was Shah Abdu's-Salam, he automatically mentioned his name.'
The Ismailis used to visit Kahek, where they were lodged and such facility was also created in Shahr-i Babak. It is said that the Indian Ismailis were granted the titles of Varas and Rai. Some Sufi sounding khanqahs (cloisters) had been also built in Shahr-i Babak. The Indian and Syrian pilgrims were lodged in different taverns, where they were looked after by some Ismaili guards, who also escorted them during their departure. Some escorts also joined the pilgrims to track them over the safe route.
In Iran, the descendants of Taymur have founded their own petty rules. The Ottoman empire in Turkey became powerful, and sultan Suleman, the Magnificent had captured Istanbul in 1453, making a door open into Europe. The Mamluk kingdom in Egypt was impaired due to internal wars.
The Christianity continued to be dominated by the tradition of Popes in Europe. It must be noted on this juncture that the first Pope to claim superiority over the European Christendom was Innocent I (402-417). The temporal power of the papacy was not, however, established until the 8th century, when Pepin le Bref and Charlemagne conferred estates on the Pope. Charlemagne was crowned by Leo III in 800 A.D., this being the first act indicative of the Pope's temporal power. Under Innocent III (1198-1216) and his immediate successors, the papacy reached the summit of its greatness. The right of papal election first however vested in the cardinals in 1059.
The Crusades or al-hurub al-salibiyya (wars of the cross) between the Muslims and Christians had began in 488/1095 and lasted for about two centuries, in which eight major battles were fought till 690/1291. During these periods, the Islamic philosophy, physics, chemistry and other arts and science had greatly influenced the Christians in Europe. Many notable works of the Muslim philosophers and scientists had been translated into European languages. The works of Ibn Sina and others were taught in the leading western universities. The new research was made upon the theories and experiments suggested by the Muslim scientists. R. Briffault writes in 'The Making of Humanity' (London, 1928, p. 191) that, 'What we call science arose in Europe as a result of a new spirit of inquiry, of new methods of investigation, of the methods of experiment, observation, and measurement, of the development of mathematics in a form unknown to the Greeks. That spirit and those methods were introduced into the European world by the Arabs.' The Europe entered thereupon into a new epoch, resulting ultimately to the age of Renaissance.
So long as the Muslims were in the vanguard of knowledge, they led the civilized world in culture, science and philosophy. But as soon as they lost interest in independent inquiry, they ceased to exist as a dynamic force. Science was discredited by the orthodox minds on the plea that it led to materialism, and philosophy was opposed as intellect debarred from entering the portals of divine knowledge. The reasonbecame the target of attack and even an object of ridicule. Science and philosophy were absolutely condemned. What remained was a fairy tale, very comforting stuff to the ignoramus but extremely injurious to the nation as a whole. The Muslim countries thus witnessed a terrible decline not only in their intellectual and cultural life, but also in their political status soon after the awakening of Europe from a long slumber - an awakening which was the result of western intellectual, scientific and philosophical movements - a way paving to the Renaissance in Europe. The Muslim powers were at the lowest ebb due to mutual wars - a force which worked negatively for them. The Ottomans of Turkey, the Safavids of Iran and the Mughals of India however had increased their influences, but could not be helpful to save the decline of the Islamic thought and culture.
It has been heretofore referred that the tradition of the pir for the Indian community had been suspended in the time of Imam Mustansir billah after the death of Pir Tajuddin in 873/1467. The Indian tradition relates that a certain Nizamuddin Kapur, known as Kamadia Kapur or Kapura Lohana, whose tomb is near the Bhambari village, about eleven miles from Tando Muhammad Khan; had visited Iran with an Indian deputation, and humbly urged Abdus Salam to send next hujjat, or pir in India. He insisted that the whole Indian community should not be punished for the misconduct of one jamat of Sind. Abdus Salam is reported to have said: 'I cannot revoke the decision of my father.' Kamadia Kapur and his team lodged in Shahr-i Babak for some months and craved devotionally to win the heart of the Imam. One day, Imam summoned him at his residence and said: 'My father has suspended the tradition of pir for India, which will not be revoked in my period. I, however, appoint a samit (silent) pir instead.' The Imam thus gave him a book, namely 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi' with an instruction to obey its advices as if a natiq (speaking) pir. The tradition further relates that the Imam had taken a word from Kamadia Kapur that the name of the jamat, who misbehaved with Pir Tajuddin in Sind, would not be divulged in other Ismaili jamats, so as to retain the unity of the Indian communities.
'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi' (maxims of fortitude) is a collection of the advices of Imam Mustansir billah, which had been compiled in the time of Abdus Salam when Kamadia Kapur was in Shahr-i Babak. The word pandiyat is the plural of pand means 'advice', and jawanmardi means 'manliness'. In other words, it contains the advices (pandiyat) for the true believers (mumins) and to those seeking to attain the exemplary standards of manliness (jawandmardi). It is factorized into three sections, viz. Pandiyat great, Pandiyat small and twelve Jawanmardi, also contains few farmans of Abdus Salam. It deals with the advices to the believers on ethics, humanity, behavior, etc. The Ismailis are referred to by the Sufic sounding terms as ahl-i haqq and ahl-i haqiqat (the people of the truth), while the Imam himself is termed as pir, murshid and qutb. It is venerated as if an authorized pir or hujjat in India, and is being read in Yarkand, Gilgit, Hunza, Chitral, Badakhshan, and Iran.
Abdus Salam also wrote 'Panj Sukhan-i Hazarat-i Shah Abdus Salam', the instructive advices for the believers in 30 pages. It is another small collection of the advices followed most probably by the compilation of 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi', otherwise it would have been most possibly incorporated in it.
In one extant qasida, the Imam says:-
Kanun Abdusalam man vali az hamgnan gamgin, azin majalas bakhvaham raft wa digar baar baaz a'ayam
means, 'I am Abdus Salam at present, but not happy with the people of assembly. I will depart from this assembly, and will appear next time in another dress.'
It is known that a group of Momin-Shahis adhered Raziuddin, the father of Shah Tahir Hussain Dakkani (d. 956/1549) as their Imam in Badakhshan. Abdus Salam sent his three farmans, instructing the erring group to revert to the fold of the legitimate line. These farmans, found in a 'Maj'mua' in Kirman, bearing the signature of the Imam with a date of 895/1490.
Sayed Suhrab Wali Badakhshani flourished in this period. He was hailed from Herat and passed his life in Badakhshan and Kabul as a local missionary. In his writing, he writes the date 856/1452 which suggests that he lived in the time of Imam Muhammad bin Islam Shah (d. 868/1463), Imam Mustansir billah (d. 880/1475) and Imam Abdus Salam (d. 899/1493). It appears from his 'Nur-nama' that he was most possibbly influenced with the teachings of the dais of Pir Shams in Badakhshan to some extent. He however, continued to preach the teachings of Nasir Khusaro. He was followed by Sayed Umar Yamghani, whose descendants and followers continued Ismaili mission around Badakhshan, and propagated as far as Hunza, Gilgit, Chitral and Ghazar.
After Taymur's death, for some time neither his son Shah Rukh in the east, nor the Ottomans in the west were able to extend their influences in western Iran, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Mesopotamia. Here the Turkomans were the strongest tribe until the rise of the Safavids in 905/1500. These Turkomans had founded their dynasties, known as Kara-Koyunlu (780-874/1378-1469) and Ak-Koyunlu (780-908/1378-1502). The death of Uzun Hasan (872-883/1467-1478), the founder of Ak-Koyunlu dynasty in Azerbaijan had gladdened the wandering Turkomans, and they imagined that Azerbaijan, Iran and Fars were their ancestral kingdom. Aba Bakr Beg Begtash, the son of sultan Abu Sa'id commanded the Turkomans and Chaghatays with a hope to find a new kingdom. So by way of Sistan and Bam, they marched on Kirman in 883/1478. Fazalullah bin Ruzbihan Khunji (925/1520) compiled his 'Tarikh-i Alam-Ara'yi Amini' in 896/1490 (abridged translation made by V. Minorsky, entitled 'Persia in A.D. 1478-1490', London, 1957, p. 43) that, 'The amir-zada Ali Jahan (son of Jahangir) was a respected ruler of Kirman and Sirjan, but he was frightened by this multitude (of the Turkomans and Chaghatays) and, without fighting and in utter terror, retreated to Shahr-i Babak. So the whole of Kirman and Sirjan fell into the hands of the Chaghatays and Turkomans. Under the guise of na'l-baha (an arbitrary levy imposed as a compensation for the horse-shoes which have become worn out) and homage, they looted rich and poor.' (pp. 93-95)
On hearing this, Abul Muzaffar Yaqub Khan (883-896/1478-1490), the son of Uzun Hasan sent against the aggressors a numerous army under the command of Sufi Khalil Beg. They were reinforced by Baysunqur Beg. The Chaghatays and Turkomans sent their families and baggages into the stronghold of Sirjan, while they themselves took their stand in Kirman, determining to put up a strong fight. The forces of Sufi Khalil Beg first went to the stronghold of Sirjan and captured it in the first inroad, and their enemies fled to Jurjan and Tabaristan. Having razed to the ground the strongholds of Sirjan and Kirman, the Ak-Koyunlu commander returned to Azerbaijan.
We do not have any detail of the Imam and the Ismailis in the contemporary sources, but it ensues from sparsely traditions that Imam Abdus Salam had most possibly evacuated Shahr-i Babak in early period of 883/1478 with the Ismailis before the roaring march of the Chaghatays and Turkomans, and after their suppression, he returned to Shahr-i Babak.
In the contemporary work, Abdus Salam is glorified as under:-
Gah piru gah tiflu gah burna mishawad.
Gah dar miraj rafta gah andar chah shud.
Gar ba-sad surat bar ayad mardi manira chi gham.
Gah Mustansir shudu gahi Salamullah shud.
'Sometimes he (appears as) an old man, or a child, or a youth. Sometimes he goes in a miraj, sometimes he goes into an abyss. Why should the knowing one worry about, even if he comes up in a hundred forms. Sometimes as Mustansir, and sometimes as Salamullah.'
Imam Abdus Salam died in 899/1493 in Shahr-i Babak, and with his death the Imamate devolved upon his son, Gharib Mirza.
It has been a source of utter surprise that the European knowledge of the Syrian Ismailis had not progressed much beyond what the Crusaders and their chroniclers had transmitted, and the field continued to be dominated by the old myth, fanciful impressions and fictitious narratives. For instance, Felix Fabri, who visited Jerusalem twice in 1480 and 1484, mentions the Ismailis among the peoples of the region in the same vein. In his 'The Book of the Wanderings of Brother Felix Fabri' (tr. by Stewart, London, 1987, 2nd vol., p. 390), he writes for the Ismailis that they 'are exceedingly obedient to their own captain (the local chief), for they believe that it is by obedience alone that they can win happiness hereafter. Their captain causes their young men to be taught diverse languages, and sends them out into other kingdoms to serve the kings thereof, to the end that, when the time requires it, each king's servant may kill him by poison or otherwise. If after slaying a king the servant makes good his escape to his own land, he is rewarded with honours, riches and dignities; if he is taken and put to death, he is worshipped in his own country as a martyre.' This is an ample instance to understand how the enemies of the Ismailis bring and then adjust the old myths down to their own period as if a contemporary account.
Ismaili History 721 - GHARIB MIRZA (899-902/1493-1496)
Abbas Shah, surnamed Shah Gharib or Gharib Mirza, was also known as Gharibu'l-lah and Mustansir billah III, and assumed the Imamate in 899/1493.
Ismaili History 722 - Anjudan - a new headquarters
Gharib Mirza seems to have left Shahr-i Babak few months after assuming Imamate. He seems to have repaired for about one year out of Shahr-i Babak, leaving behind his hujjat, called Badiuddin Khwaja Kassim, and at length settled down in Anjudan, most possibly in 900/1494. Pir Shihabuddin Shah (d. 1884) also writes in his 'Khitabat-i Aliyya' (pp. 42-43) that, ' The thirty-fourth Imam Abbas Shah (Gharib Mirza) was obliged to live for some time away from his ancestral home (watn-i maluf), i.e., Shahr-i Babak.' The reason of his absence was that the rambling bands of Chaghatays and Turkomans had once again gushed from Jurjan and Tabaristan after being supressed in 883/1478 by the Ak-Koynunlu commander, Sufi Khalil Beg. They plundered the surrounding localities of Kirman and Sirjan.
Anjudan (Injodan or Anjidan) is situated at the foot of relatively low rocky range, about 37 kilometers east of Arak (former Sultanabad) and about the same distance westward from Mahallat in central Iran. It is separated 35-40 kilometers with Kahek by a number of shallow ranges, and is also close to Qumm and Kashan. The Ismailis had begun their settlements slowly in Anjudan most probably during the time of Imam Mustansir billah II, and had taken there agriculture. It was the cradle land of the Ismaili mission in post-Alamut era. The Syrian Ismailis called Anjudan as 'the abode of the faithfuls' (dar al-mominin). It was simply walled to protect the populace in times of insecurity.
Gharib Mirza at length shifted to Anjudan and kept himself completely out of the vortex of politics, and passed a life of darwish, where he became known as Gharib Mirza i.e., 'an unknown stranger.' Earlier, he was generally known as Abbas Shah. He also applied the name Gharib Mirza in his writing in Anjudan. His eloquent power was impressive and sweet, and was highly respected among the local non-Ismaili orbits. He was a man of affable temperament and wide human sympathies which made him a popular figure in the locality. An anonymous manuscript dating about 1196/1782 cites the anecdote of a certain peasant, whom the Imam had gifted a piece of land in Shahr-i Babak, who in turn said, 'Sayed Gharib Shah is a generous like his ancestor, Imam Jafar Sadik.' He thus had set an example to the local people by an act of humanity and generosity which created a salutary effect upon his fellow-citizens.
Ismaili History 723 - Organisation of Mission
It appears that the dawa system after the fall of Alamut was organised systematically in Anjudan period. According to the new system, the Imam was followed by a single hujjat, known as hujjat-i azam (the great proof), who generally resided at headquarters. The hujjat administered the framework of the mission and served as an assistant of the Imam. Next, there was a single category of dai at large, being selected from among the educated classes. The dais remained close in contact with the headquarters. The next lower rank was that of mu'allim (teacher), the head of the mission activities in a particular region. He was appointed by the hujjat. He was further assisted by ma'dhum-i akbar (the senior licentiate), who was empowered to make conversion at his disposal and judgement. Another assistant of the mu'allim was called ma'dhum-i asghar (junior licentiate), who held the lowest rank and could discharge his assignments only on receiving official permission from the mu'allim. The ordinary initiates (murids) were referred to as mustajib (respondent). On acquiring adequate training, a mustajib could be appointed by the mu'allim to the rank of ma'dhum-i asghar. It must be remembered that the aforesaid mission system was enforced in Iran, Badakhshan and Central Asia. In Hind and Sind, the tradition of the vakilhad been retained, corresponding to the office of the mu'allim.
In Central Asia, the ma'dhum-i akbar gradually became known as the pir, and ma'dhum-i asghar was known as khalifa. They stressed on the practice of zikr-i jalli, recitation of the qasida and the esoteric poems of Nasir Khusaro among the new converts.
In addition, the Ismailis held that the true essence of the Imam could be known at least to a few advanced followers in the community, and the hujjator the pir was, indeed, held to be almost the same essence as the Imam. Hence, the hujjat or pir, by virtue of his miraculous knowledge (mu'jiz-i ilmi), knew the true essence of the Imam, and was the revealer of the spiritual truth. Furthermore, the Ismailis recognized three categories of people in the world. Firstly, the opponents of the Imam (ahl-i tadadd). Secondly, the ordinary followers of the Imam (ahl-i tarattub), also known as ahl-i haq, who were also divided into the strong (qawiyan), comprised of the dais, mu'allims and ma'dhums, and the weak (da'ifan), restricted to the ordinary members of the community. Thirdly, the followers of union (ahl-i wahda), also called as the high elite (akhass-i khass).
Ismaili History 724 - The origin of the Safavids
The Safavid family was active in making ground to emerge as a new power in Iran, tracing descent from Musa Kazim. The prominent head at that time was Shaikh Safi, or Safiuddin Abul Fath Ishaq Ardabili (1252-1334), who founded a Sufi order, known after him as the Safaviya at Ardabil in Azerbaijan. He died in 735/1334 and his order was continued by his son, Sadruddin Musa (1334-1391), and then by another son, Khwaja Ali (1391-1427). They deeply influenced most of the Mongol rulers and amirs. Ibrahim (1427-1447), the son of Khwaja Ali also continued the Sufi order founded by Shaikh Safi, but Junayd (1447-1460), the son of Ibrahim acquired some political power and introduced the doctrines of the Twelvers at the time of his death in 1460. He fought several times with the rulers of Kara-Koyunlu, but was killed at Shirwan. His followers continued to gain religious and political leads in Iran. Junayd's son married to Martha, a Greek princess, who bore Sultan Ali, Ibrahim and Ismail. His another son, Hyder (1460-1478) was killed, and other sons were arrested. Thus, only Ismail was survived, because Sultan Ali was also killed and Ibrahim had died very soon. Hence, the events continued to boost the rising of the Safavids during the time of Ismail. Gilan was the centre of the Safavid family. Ismail collected a small force and occupied Baku and Shamakha. He defeated Alwand, the prince of Ak-Kuyunlu dynasty, and captured Tabriz. He also inflicted defeat to the Mongolian ruler and was proclaimed as Shah Ismail and founded the Safavid dynasty in 905/1500 in Iran.
Nuruddin Shah, the younger brother of Gharib Mirza is said to have built a small village near Anjudan after his name, called Nurabad. He also built a defensive post and few small buildings. He erected a Sufi khanqah (cloister) of Abbas Shahi tradition for the local Sufis.
The Ismailis had continued their flocking at Anjudan, where Gharib Mirza confessed their offerings and blessed them with written guidances, bearing his signature and seal. It has since become a tradition in India to celebrate the day of rejoice with great pomp by commonalty and gentry alike when the pilgrims returned unscathed to their homeland.
While examining the traditions congealed around the adherents, it appears that the Ismaili history abounds with the instances of great sacrifices of the daring devotees. For illustration, a best-known Syrian tradition relates a touching anecdote that once a caravan embarked from Khwabi for Anjudan to see Gharib Mirza. At that time, the Safavids were emerging in Iran, therefore, the routes were insecure and the time was not ideal for travellers. When Gharib Mirza knew about the arriving caravan from Syria, he decided to send them back. The time was so critical that no messenger could carry any written order with him. Gharib Mirza at once sought the service of a fidai, who was made lain on the ground without a shirt. Imam got his official orders carved by a dagger on backside of his body with the help of a servant, addressing the Syrian Ismailis to return back at once. The heated copper seal of the Imam was stamped at the concluding part. The young fidai tolerated the pain patiently, and put on a black shirt. He spurred his horse at full gallop for an errand being fraught with danger and gave an ostensible impression of an ordinary man to the people. He succeeded to reach the caravan, whom he transmitted the Imam's orders verbally at first. When he was asked its veracity, he took off his shirt, stuck with the congealed blood, and turned around and made them read the orders of the Imam carved on his backside that, 'la ta'tu hazi'his sanh wa lakin fis sanh'til qadema la bud'd alaikum an ta'tu' i.e., 'you do not come this year, and come next year.' Looking the fidai who displayed a rare prodigies example of valour at great risk, tears welled up in their eyes and returned back soon with sad hearts.
Abu Ishaq Kohistani was a learned dai around this period. His name was Ibrahim, was from the district of Mominabad-i Kohistan in the province of Birjand. Nothing is known about his activities. He was however a writer, and it appears from his writings that he had studied the accessible literature of Alamut period. His famous work, 'Haft Bab-i Bu Ishaq' deals the recognition of the Imam with philosophical arguments on Ismaili tariqah. His another work, 'Tarikh-i Kohistan' is not traceable.
It is related that Gharib Mirza mastered the botanical field, and with his knowledge, the village of Anjudan was turned into a fertile tract. He mostly passed his whole life in Anjudan, and died in 902/1496. In Anjudan, near the mausoleum of Imam Mustansir billah II, there exists an old burial ground in the garden, the middle of which stands the mausoleum of Gharib Mirza. The wooden box (sanduq) contains Sura Yasin of Holy Koran. In one place, it is clearly written:- 'This is the wooden box (sanduq) of Shah Mustansir billah (i.e., Gharib Mirza), the son of Shah Abdus Salam. Written on the 10th of Muharram, 904/August 29, 1498.' From this one can conclude that this wooden box was erected about two years after the death of Imam Gharib Mirza.
Ismaili History 725 - ABUZAR ALI (902-915/1496-1509)
Muhammad Abuzar Shah, surnamed Abuzar, was also called Nuruddin. He is also known as Shah Nuruddin bin Gharib Shah in the Syrian works. Like his father, he also passed a darwish life in Anjudan. He had however advised his followers to exercise precautions in view of new religious tendency and political cataclysm in Iran.
The village of Anjudan considerably accelerated on account of ample water supply, therefore, the new protective walls with fortifications were built around it during the early time of Abuzar Ali's Imamate. It caused the old enclosure itself to play the part of a sort of citadel. Some craftmen, blacksmiths, potters tanners and dyers had come from outside, and possibly built their workshops on the outskirts.
Ismaili History 726 - Rise of the Safavids
In 904/1499, Shah Ismail had decided that the time was ripe for the supreme bid for power. He prepared a colossal army, and began to conquer the Iranian territories in 905/1500 including Iraq and founded the Safavid empire. In Iran, he absolutely dominated in Hamdan, Mazandaran, Shirwan, Khorasan, Yazd etc. He tried to extend his influence in Afghanistan, Balkh and Bukhara. The Ottoman empire evidently opposed the growing power in Iran. The Uzbek rulers of Bukhara however checked the advance of the Safavids. Thus, the Safavids considered their two borders insecure for the empire.
Shah Ismail's fist action on his accession was the proclamation of the Shiism as the state religion of Iran, differentiating from the Ottoman of Turkey, who were the Sunnis. Shah Ismail however failed to impose Shiism in many Iranian regions. Many people are reported to have been executed, and other migrated. The Sunni theologians went to Herat, India and Bukhara. Under such rigorous policy, one renowned Ismaili scholar, Shah Tahir Hussain Dakkani also fled from Kashan, and repaired to India. The Sufis were also not spared in Iran, who began to live under the cloak of the Twelvers.
The strict Shiite tendency in Iran had certainly forced the Ismailis to assume the mantle of the Twelvers to get rid of the executions. Weathering these stroms, it seems that Imam Abuzar Ali had gone into hiding for about seven years between 905/1500 and 912/1507, which can be ascertained also from the version of Khayr Khwah Herati's 'Tasnifat' (ed. W.Ivanow, Tehran, 1961, p. 52). Before leaving Anjudan for an unknown place, he had most possibly left behind his hujjat to act as a link between the Imam and the followers.
Ismaili History 727 - The line of Momin Shah
It must be recollected that Momin Shah, the son of Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad was the hujjat in Syria. Since he was an elder son, therefore, a small section in Syria had considered him as his father's successor. It is related that he returned from Syria and settled down in a village called Khwand in Qazwin, bordering Gilan too. He preached the esoteric teachings of Ismailism on Sufic pattern. Momin Shah built a small khanqah (cloister) in Khwand, where he and his descendants had been revered as the 'Saints of Khwand' (sadit-i khwandia) due to their piety and learning. Momin Shah died in 738/1337 and remained faithful to the line of Kassim-Shahi. None among them had ever claimed for Imamate, or visited Syria to nourish that small growing group, who later on became known as Momin-Shahis. It must be noted that the trivial section of Momin-Shahis was neither a forgotten branch of the Ismailis, nor a schism of great importance.
Imam Mustansir billah II (d. 880/1475) mentions in 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi' (p. 45) that: 'At the time of my great ancestor, Shah Husayn, some followers gave him up and accepted Muhammad ibn Hanafiyya. At the time of Shah Zaynu'l-abidin, some gave up the real Imam, and accepted Zayd as an Imam. At the time of my ancestor, Shah Jafar as-Sadiq, some followers gave up the real Imam, following Musa Kazim. Some followed Abdu'l-lah. Similarly, at the time of my ancestor, Shah Mustansir bi'l-lah, some gave up the real Imam, and followed Musta'li.' One can judge from the above version that the Imam had referred to both the major and minor branches of the Shiism, but did not mention a single word for the Momin-Shahis; tending to show that it was not a serious schism, but was a group anticipating the Imamate of Momin Shah. They used to call the Syrian Ismailis as the Kassim-Shahis to distinguish themselves from them. Later on, the local disputes between them had created some sorts of isolation. Some Momin-Shahis are reported to have gone in Badakhshan for business purpose, and propagated the line of Momin Shah. It seems that they were also responsible to cultivate different names and titles of the Imams in the line of Kassim Shah and Momin Shah.
Muhammad Shah (d. 807/1404), the son of Momin Shah became the next saint (sadat) of their khanqah in Khwand, who also acquired few powers in the locality of Daylam. He was succeeded by his son, Raziuddin I (d. 833/1429), who in turn was succeeded by his son Muhammad Tahir Shah (d. 867/1462). His son Raziuddin II (d. 915/1509) had gone to Badakhshan from Sistan in 913/1508 for mission. He established his rule over a large part of Badakhshan with the help of the Ismailis during the time of a certain Taymurid amir called Mirza Khan (d. 926/1520). Raziuddin II was killed in the local tribal fighting in 915/1509. Mirza Khan then executed many Ismailis in Badakhshan.
Ismaili History 728 - Shah Tahir Hussain Dakkani
After the tragic death of Raziuddin II, his son Shah Tahir Hussain Dakkani continued the tradition of the khanqah in Khwand, where the Sufis from Egypt, Bukhara, Samarkand and Qazwin flocked. It also influenced the local rulers and noblemen. The Safavid Shah Ismail became apprehensive of Shah Tahir's growing fame, therefore he invited him to join the Safavid scholars in his court at Sultaniyya. He joined the Safavid court in 926/1520 in the garb of the Twelver. It seems almost certain that it was a wise decision, and if Shah Tahir had not joined the court, Shah Ismail would have conducted a massacre of the Ismailis in Iran. According to 'Ibrat-i Afza', 'The widespread massacres of the Ismailis had been avoided due to the taqiya of Shah Tahir Hussain.'
After some times, it seems that the rivals of Shah Tahir stirred up suspicions of Shah Ismail, so he left the court and moved to Kashan, where his followers once again thronged in large number. The local Shia ulema reported to Shah Ismail, accusing of leading the Ismailis and of corresponding with foreign rulers. Shah Ismail ordered his military commander to hasten to Kashan and eliminate Shah Tahir Hussain, but Mirza Shah Hussain Ispahani, a dignitary of the Safavid court, and an Ismaili, had informed Shah Tahir secretly of the king's intention. Shah Tahir left Kashan for Fars at once in Jamada I, 926/April, 1520. He fortunately boarded a ship sailing to India at Jardan, and reached Goa after eight days. When his ship anchored the port of Oman, he had an opportunity to convert Shah Qudratullah and his followers.
Shah Tahir went to Bijapur from Goa, where he was ignored by Ismail Adil Shah (915-941/1510-1534), the ruler of Bijapur. He left Bijapur for Gulbarga, and moved to Parenda. Khwaja Jahan, the governor of Parenda urged him to stay there for few more times. Thus, Shah Tahir resided at Parenda as a teacher and became famous for his learning. Meanwhile, Pir Muhammad Sherwani, the teacher of Burhan Nizam Shah (914-961/1508-1553) of Ahmadnagar, arrived in Parenda. He was so impressed by Shah Tahir's scholarship that he stayed there for one year, and learnt the system of astronomy and trigonometry. On his return to Ahmadnagar, Pir Muhammad Sherwani reported to Burhan Nizam Shah about Shah Tahir's knowledge. Finally, Shah Tahir was invited in Ahmadnagar, who reached there in 928/1522 and was feted a royal welcome. He rendered valuable services to the Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar in Deccan. Gradually, Shah Tahir became Burhan's principal counseller. His diplomatic and financial administrative duties however did not prevent him from dedicating himself to teaching, lectures and religious polemics. Shah Tahir did not disclose his Ismaili identity. Burhan Shah built a seminary for him in the fort, where Shah Tahir delivered lectures twice a week, and all the ulema and Burhan Shah himself attended.
In 944/1537, Burhan's son Abdul Qadir fell seriously ill. The Muslim and Hindu physicians failed in their treatment, but was healed at length by Shah Tahir. This event marked deep impression and regard in the heart of Burhan Shah, who embraced Ismailism under the garb of Twelvers. Sayyid Ahmadullah Qadri writes in 'Memoirs of Chand Bibi' (Deccan, 1938, p. 102) that, 'In 928/1522 when Shah Tahir, passing through Bijapur and Parenda, came to Ahmadnagar, Burhan Nizam Shah I, adopted the Ismailia religion in 944/1537. With the exception of Ismail Nizam Shah, who became Mahdi for a short time, all the rulers were Ismaili Shiahs.' Burhan Shah also proclaimed Shiism as a state religion in Ahmadnagar. Pir Muhammad Sherwani and other Sunni ulema became jealous towards the religious success of Shah Tahir, who agitated against the proclamation. They were however arrested, but Shah Tahir spared the life of Pir Muhammad Sherwani for his past services, and was imprisoned. Pir Muhammad had been released after four years at Shah Tahir's appeal and his former office was restored to him.
Sayed Ali Tabatabai writes in 'Burhan'i Ma'asir' (Hyderabad, 1936, p. 260) that Shah Tahir had adopted taqiya and did never tell of his real faith. Sayed Zakir Hussain also writes in 'Tarikh-i Islam' (Delhi, 1918, 1st vol., p. 386) that Shah Tahir came from Iran and converted Burhan Shah to Shiism, and adopted taqiya in the court.
In 950/1543, Burhan Nizam Shah sent Khurshah bin Qubad al-Hussaini, a close relative to Shah Tahir as an ambassador in Iran at the court of Shah Tahmasp, who received him at Qazwin. Shah Tahmasp sent a letter to Shah Tahir in appreciation with many gifts for the endorsement of Shiism in Nizam Shahi state in Ahmadnagar. In return, Shah Tahir's son Shah Hyder was also sent from Ahmadnagar to Iran on a goodwill mission; who was yet in Iran when Shah Tahir died in Ahmadnagar in 956/1549 during the time of Imam Nuruddin Ali (d. 957/1550).
Shah Tahir had four sons and three daughters, in which Shah Hyder was an elder being born in Iran, and rest in India, namely Shah Rafiuddin, Shah Abul Hasan and Shah Abu Talib. Shah Tahir's brother Shah Jafar was also persecuted violently by the Safavids in Iran, who also came in India and attached with the administration of the state. The mission in guise of Shah Tahir had been continued by his successors, viz. Hyder bin Shah Tahir (d. 994/1586), Sadruddin Muhammad bin Hyder (d. 1032/1622), Muinuddin bin Sadruddin (d. 1054/1644), Atiyyatullah bin Muinuddin (d. 1074/1663), Aziz Shah bin Atiyyatullah (d. 1103/1691), Muinuddin II bin Aziz Shah (d. 1127/1715), Amir Muhammad bin Muinuddin II (d. 1178/1764), Hyder II bin Muhammad al-Mutahhar (d. 1201/1786) and Amir Muhammad bin Hyder al-Bakir, whose biography is not known. The modern writers of Momin-Shahis however makes Amir Muhammad bin Hyder al-Bakir as their last fortieth Imam in the line of Momin Shah (d. 738/1337). It is learnt that the Syrian Momin-Shahis, after sending in vain in India to locate the descendants of Amir Muhammad bin Hyder in 1304/1887, the bulk of them transferred their allegiance to the Imam of Kassim-Shahi line.
It should be remembered that being a learned Ismaili preacher, Shah Tahir's method differed starkly with the usual dawa system. If he was a Twelver, he certainly needed nothing to leave Iran, where he had good opportunity at the Safavid court. Farhad Daftary writes in 'The Ismailis: their History and Doctrines' (London, 1990, p. 489) that, 'One must bear in mind, however, that Shah Tahir and other Nizari leaders of the period were obliged to observe taqiya very strictly. It is certain that Shah Tahir propagated his form of Nizari Ismailism in the guise of Twelver Shiism, which was more acceptable to the Muslim rulers of India who were interested in cultivating friendly relations with the Twelve Shi'i Safawid dynasty of Persia.'
Imam Abuzar Ali is said to have returned to Anjudan in 912/1507 after getting congenial atmosphere. He maintained his cordial ties with the local amirs, elites and the Safavids. Abuzar Ali is said to have betrothed to Sabira Khatoon, the daughter of Shah Ismail, and was granted the title of Amir al-Umra (chief of the chiefs). This matrimonial relationship suggests a close tie of the Imam with the ruling power in the mantle of the Twelver.
Imam Abuzar Ali died in 915/1509 and was buried in Anjudan. The Russain scholar W.Ivanow had visited Anjudan in 1937 to collect the details from the inscriptions of then existing graves and mausoleums of the Ismaili Imams. He failed to locate the grave of Abuzar Ali in Anjudan. But, before him, Muhammad Taqi bin Ali Reza, who compiled 'Athar-i Muhammadi' in 1893 had visited Anjudan before the migratiion of Imam Aga Hasan Ali Shah in 1842. He had discovered the grave of Abuzar Ali, and writes, 'Imam Abuzar Ali had been invested the honorific title of Amir al-Umra, whose description is still preserved on the marble slab of Imam's grave' (pp. 65-66). It tenaciously corroborates to the fact that the grave of the Imam in Anjudan had been decayed before the visit of W.Ivanow, and it is, of course, possible that the same would have been happened with the grave of Imam Murad Mirza.
